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UBRARY  ^ 


UNIVSRSITY  OF 
CAUPORNIA 
SAN  DIEGO 


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THE 


American    Citizeisi 


BY 


CHARLES   F.  DOLE 


o»;e 


BOSTON,  U.S.A. 

D.   C.   HEATH  &   CO.,   PUBLISHERS 

1891 


Copyright,  1891, 
Bt  CHARLES  F.  DOLE. 


Ttpographt  by  J.  S.  CcsHiNG  &  Co.,  Boston,  U.S.A. 


r^ 


PBKSSWOnK   BY    BERWICK   &   SMITH,   BOSTON,  U.S.A. 


TO 

AMERICAN   CITIZENSHIP 

after  the  type  of 

Washington,  the  Adamses,  and  Lincoln, 

noble,  devoted,  disinterested,  magnanimous,  fearless,  reverent, 

this  book  is  dedicated. 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/americancitizenOOdoleiala 


PEEFACE. 


There  seems  to  be  a  growing  demand  for  the  more  adequate 
teaching  of  morals  in  the  schools,  especially  with  reference 
to  the  making  of  good  citizens.  But  it  is  difficult  to  teach 
morals  directly,  or  apart  from  the  concrete  subjects  about 
which  moral  questions  grow.  Neither  can  sound  morals  be 
taught  at  all,  without  the  touch  of  enthusiasm. 

We  have,  however,  in  the  great  and  interesting  subjects  of 
the  conduct  of  governments,  business,  and  society,  precisely 
the  kind  of  material  to  furnish  us  indirectly  with  innumerable 
moral  examples.  The  consideration  of  the  public  good,  the 
welfare  of  the  nation,  or  the  interests  of  mankind,  lies  in  the 
very  region  where  patriotic  emotion  and  moral  enthusiasm  are 
most  naturally  kindled. 

The  design  of  this  book  grew  out  of  a  smaller  one,  Tlie  Citi- 
zen and  the  Neighbor,  which,  though  intended  for  a  very  lim- 
ited use,  was  received  with  such  kindly  favor  by  teachers  and 
others,  as  to  encourage  me  to  try  to  meet  a  larger  need. 

I  have  had  specially  in  view  the  large  class  of  boys  and  girls 
in  the  upper  grades  of  grammar  schools  and  in  high  schools,  or 
academies,  as  well  as  many  adults  who  may  wish  to  make  a 
beginning  in  the  study  of  citizenship.  Only  a  few  scholars 
can  be  expected  to  go  to  college  or  to  take  a  thorough  course  in 
Political  Economy  and  Politics.     But  all  must  become  citizens 


VI  PBEFACE. 

with  the  responsibility  of  acting  in  private  or  public  upon 
various  grave  aud  difficult  problems.  They  ought  not,  surely, 
to  meet  these  problems  without  some  intelligent  and  serious 
view  of  their  meaning. 

Every  intelligent  boy  or  girl,  indeed,  may  be  presumed  to 
wish  to  know  the  facts  about  the  government  of  our  country 
and  our  social  institutions.  The  object  of  this  book,  however, 
is  not  merely  to  state  these  facts,  but  also  to  illustrate  the 
moral  principles  which  underlie  the  life  of  civilized  men. 
The  thoughtful  scholar  asks  to  know  why  we  establish  and 
maintain  certain  methods  and  usages.  He  can  much  more 
willingly  honor  the  usage  or  obey  the  law  after  he  has  seen 
that  it  is  founded  in  justice.  If  he  can  perceive  the  purpose, 
namely,  the  good  of  the  whole,  which  all  useful  methods  or  cus- 
toms are  meant  to  serve;  if  he  can  be  helped  to  understand 
that  respect  and  obedience  for  established  rules  and  usages 
will  distinctly  enhance  human  welfare  and  happiness :  if  he 
can  catch  the  spirit  of  friendliness,  which  ennobles  social 
intercourse  and  public  service ;  if  meanwhile  he  can  see  what 
faults  and  perils  threaten  society  aud  demand  the  patriotic 
effort  of  each  generation,  he  will  thus  be  prepared  for  that 
which  is  the  aim  of  all  education  —  to  be  a  good  citizen.  For 
information  alone  is  obviously  of  little  value  unless  our  boys 
and  girls  have  acquired  a  decided  moral  impulse.  We  wish 
them  to  know  that  they  are  not  at  school  merely  to  learn  how 
to  earn  a  living,  or  to  be  able  to  read  many  books,  but  to 
become  men  and  women  who  shall  help  the  state  by  their  lives 
and  work. 

I  have  endeavored,  therefore,  to  state  with  sufficient  clear- 
ness and  illustration  the  chief  facts  aud  principles  which  every 


PREFACE.  Vll 

good  citizen  ought  to  know.  I  have  also  wished  to  leave 
such  a  permanent  impression  of  the  character  of  the  subjects 
treated,  as  to  persuade  the  more  thoughtful  scholar  or  reader 
to  take  up  a  more  thorough  course  of  study. 

Some  may  regret  that  the  book  does  not  trace  government 
and  ethics  to  a  religious  basis.  I  profoundly  believe  that 
there  is  such  a  basis.  It  is  possible,  too,  that  it  might  be  so 
broadly  and  simply  treated  as  to  develop  very  general  agree- 
ment. But  there  are  at  present  too  many  differences  about 
definitions  and  names  to  make  this  branch  of  our  subject 
suitable  for  a  book  designed  for  use  in  public  schools.  Mean- 
while the  political  and  economic  facts  here  presented,  and 
the  ethical  laws  which  they  suggest,  will  often,  I  hope,  lead 
the  student  to  ask  deeper  questions,  and  therefore  to  find  the 
closer  connection  and  unity  of  the  various  departments  of 
thought  and  life. 

I  have  not  hesitated  in  the  case  of  important  subjects  to 
accept  the  risk  of  some  possible  repetition.  For  the  different 
branches  of  our  study  run  into  each  other  and  cannot  be 
sharply  divided.  Thus  certain  subjects  belong  at  the  same 
time  under  the  head  of  both  Politics  and  Economics. 

It  will  be  obvious  to  the  intelligent  teacher  that  the  kind 
of  study  which  this  book  is  designed  to  serve  must  not  be 
made  mere  task-work.  The  main  hope  of  its  usefulness  is  by 
awakening  the  interest  of  students  and  stimulating  them  to 
think  and  talk  freely  about  the  various  subjects  considered. 
One  method  of  use  in  schools,  which  has  been  suggested  by 
a  grammar  school  master,  is  as  a  reading-book  for  the  ad- 
vanced pupils.  The  teacher  should  then  have  the  class  dis- 
cuss with  him  the  subjects  covered  by  the  reading. 


Vlil  PREFACE. 

A  short  list  of  books,  such  as  may  be  of  interest  to  teachers 
and  the  more  thoughtful  readers  and  suitable  for  school 
libraries,  has  been  added. 

Besides  the  helpful  service  of  my  wife  in  revising  the  proof- 
sheets,  I  have  to  express  my  obligation  and  thanks  for  the  aid 
and  encouragement  of  my  friends,  Mr.  John  G.  Brooks,  In- 
structor in  Political  Economy  in  Harvard  University;  Mr. 
Nicholas  P.  Gilrnan,  the  author  of  ''  Profit  Sharing " ;  and 
Mr.  George  S.  Merriam,  the  author  of  "The  Life  and  Times 
of  Samuel  Bowles,"  and  other  works. 

CHARLES  F.  DOLE. 

Jamaica  Plain,  Mass., 
March,  1891. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


PART   FIRST. 

THE   BEGINNINGS    OF    CITIZENSHIP. 

PASS 
CHAPTER  I.     The   Family   akd    its   Government.  —  Obedience. 
Punishments.     The  home  a  primary  school  for  the  state.     A  tru« 
family  government.     An  exception  ...:......,       S 

CHAPTER  II.  The  Schoolroom  and  its  Government. — Differ- 
ent kinds  of  school  government.  Co-operation  of  the  scholars 
in  the  school  government 9 

CHAPTER  HI.  The  Playground:  its  Lessons.  —  The  organized 
playground.  Public  opinion.  Taking  risks.  Playing  to  win. 
Betting • 12 

CHAPTER  IV,  The  Club  or  Debating  Society.  —  Tlie  president 
or  chairman.  The  constitution  and  rules.  The  membership  of  the 
club.  The  quorum.  Fair  notice  of  meetings.  Changing  the  con- 
stitution. Free  discussion.  Tlie  method  of  business ;  one  thing 
at  a  time  ;  amendments.  How  to  decide  questions.  Voting ;  the 
reconsideration.  The  secretary  or  clerk ;  the  treasurer ;  filling  the 
offices 16 

CHAPTER  V.  Personal  Habits.  The  Conditions  or  Good  Citi- 
zenship. —  Cleanliness  and  order  ;  polite  'or  civil  manners  ;  exam- 
ples. Money  and  its  use.  Thoroughness  ;  honor  ;  truth ;  self- 
control  ;  the  pure  life.    The  narcotics  and  stimulants 24 

CHAPTER  VI.  The  Principles  that  bind  Men  together.  — 
Respect  for  others'  rights ;  authority  and  reverence  ;  majority 
rights ;  responsibility  ;  the  use  of  power ;  the  public  service.  The 
two  classes  :  the  strong  and  the  weak  ;  chivalry 30 

CHAPTER  VII.     The   Different   Duties   that   Men  owe   each 

other. — Four  divisions  of  our  subject ;  examples 34 

ix 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


PAET   SECOND. 

THE    CITIZEN    AND    THE    GOVERNMENT  ;    OK    THE    RIGHTS 
AND    DUTIES    OF    CITIZENS. 

PACK 

CHAPTER  Vni.  The  Purpose  of  Government.  —  What  the 
government  is  ;  examples  of  the  duties  of  the  government.  Two 
opposite  ideas  about  government ;  individual  liberty.  Two  natural 
parties 39 

CHAPTER  IX.  Various  Forms  of  Government. — Despotism; 
the  aristocratic  government ;  ancient  republics.  Popular  govern- 
ment ;  tlie  modern  republic  ;  the  French  Republic  ;  a  centralized 
government.     The  American  idea  of  trusting  the  people  ....     46 

CHAPTER  X.  Local  Government  ;  or  Government  by  the 
People  themselves.  —  The  town  meeting  ;  the  origin  of  the 
town.     The  county  ;  the  school  district.     Local  patriotism  ...     51 

CHAPTER  XL      The    States   and  Legislative   Government.  — 

States  ;  the  sovereignty  of  the  State  ;  eminent  domain.  Why  we 
have  states.  The  old  states  ;  new  states.  Representative  govern- 
ment ;  the  beginning  of  legislatures ;  how  Parliament  got  power 
away  from  the  king  *  American  Parliaments.  The  legislature  and 
the  people.  The  two  houses  of  the  legislature.  The  duties  of  leg- 
islators.    State  rights  and  state  jealousy ;  state  patriotism   ...     55 

CHAPTER  XIL  The  People  acting  in  Congress.  —The  Ameri- 
can idea  of  government.  General  government ;  the  servants  of  the 
people.  The  beginning  of  Congi'ess;  the  Federal  Union.  How 
Congress  is  made  up  ;  the  Senate  ;  the  House  of  Representatives. 
The  Territories  in  Congress.  Congressional  districts  ;  gerryman- 
dering.    The  powers  of  Congress  ;  the  appeal  to  the  country    .     .     6.3 

CHAPTER  Xin.  Cities  and  their  Government.  Cities ;  two 
modes  of  electing  aldermen.  The  city  government  and  the  legis- 
lature.    Where  responsibility  lies.     Village  charters 72- 

CHAPTER  XIV.  The  Machinery  of  Government.  The  Execu- 
tive. —  Undivided  responsibility.  The  veto  power.  The  power 
of  the  President.     The  Cabinet.     The  Governor's  Council    ...     77 

CHAPTER  XV.  The  Judicial  Branch  of  the  Government  ;  or 
the  Courts  and  the  Laws.  —  The  national  and  the  State  courts. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  XI 

.  FAOB 

The  election  of  judges.  The  better  plan;  the  appointment  of 
judges.  The  power  of  the  courts.  The  machinery  of  the  courts. 
The  police.  The  jury.  The  grand  jury.  The  delay  of  justice ; 
the  referee.  The  judge  and  the  jury.  Witnesses  and  the  oath. 
Habeas  corpus ;  bail.  The  common  law  and  statute  laws.  The 
laws  and  the  right;  tlie  tyranny  of  law.  Freedom  of  speech  and 
the  press 83 

CHAPTER  XVI.  The  Treasury  and  the  Taxes.  — The  public 
expenses.  The  taxes ;  direct  taxes  ;  the  income  tax.  Double  tax- 
ation. The  single,  or  land  tax ;  the  duties  of  assessors.  The  poll 
tax ;  licenses,  fees,  etc. ;  liquor  licenses.  The  taxes  for  the  nation  ; 
indirect  taxes ;  the  internal  revenue.  The  source  of  all  taxes. 
Exemptions  from  taxes.     The  public  faith 94 

CHAPTER  XVII.  The  School  Systeji.  —  The  common  wealth. 
Free  schools.  The  higher  education.  What  the  public  schools 
should  not  teach.  The  teaching  force.  Women  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  schools.  The  cost  of  the  schools.  Public  and  private 
schools 103 

CHAPTER  XVIII.  The  Civil  Service  and  the  Offices.— Civil 
service  reform  ;  a  bad  civil  service  in  America  ;  the  office-seekers ; 
how  reform  came  ;  what  remains  to  be  done.  The  consular  and 
diplomatic  service.  Rotation  in  office  ;  an  exception.  Candidates 
and  their  place  of  residence 108 

CHAPTER  XIX.  Voting, —  Viva  voce;  the  show  of  hands;  the 
ballot.  Fair  election  laws ;  the  Australian  ballot.  The  elections. 
Majority  and  plurality.  Who  may  vote ;  property  suffrage  and 
manhood  suffrage  ;  woman  suffrage.     The  purpose  of  voting     .     .11(5 

CHAPTER  XX.  Political  Parties.  —  Debate  and  discussion ;  the 
purpose  of  debate.  The  broad  or  narrow  view  of  public  questions. 
Rules  of  debate.  National  parties ;  party  organization.  Inde- 
pendents     123 

CHAPTER  XXI.  Government  by  Committees,  by  Politicians, 
BY  PcBLic  Opinion,  —  The  work  of  committees  ;  the  difficulty  with 
committee  action  ;  the  appointment  of  committees.  The  politi- 
cians and  how  they  contrive  to  rule ;  rings.  Public  opinion  and 
how  it  acts 128 


XU  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

,  PAGE 

CHAPTER  XXII.  The  Citizen's  Duties  to  his  Government. — 
Obeying  the  laws  ;  the  care  of  public  property  ;  the  duty  of  voting ; 
paying  the  taxes ;  the  duty  of  pubUc  service.  Public  spirit.  Cer- 
tain exceptions       133 

CHAPTER  XXIII.  The  Abuses  and  Perils  of  Government.  — 
Old- World  abuses.  Meddling  with  business.  Like  people,  like 
government.  Faults  of  American  government,  —  partisanship, 
provincialism,  jobbery,  and  patronage.  The  government  and  trade. 
Public  debts.  The  danger  in  borrowing.  The  ignorant  vote. 
Popular  crazes.  The  tyranny  of  the  majority.  The  lobby.  The 
saloon  power.     Rebellion  and  revolution 142 

CHAPTER  XXIV.  Facts  which  Every  one  should  know.  Open 
Questions.  —  The  chief  officers  of  the  national  government.  The 
chief  state  officers.  Town,  city,  and  county  officers.  Open  ques- 
tions, —  the  tariff,  or  free  trade  and  protection ;  prohibition  and 
license  ;  national  aid  to  education,  etc 152 

CHAPTER  XXV.  Improvements  in  Government.  Radicals  and 
Conservatives.  —  The  electoral  college.  The  time  of  the  meet- 
ing of  Congress.  The  responsibility  of  the  executive.  The  Cabinet 
and  Congress.  Fewer  elective  officers.  Longer  terms  of  office. 
The  two-thirds  vote.  The  reform  of  the  caucus.  Radicals  and 
conservatives.    The  ideal  citizen 158 


PAET   THIRD. 

ECONOMIC    DUTIES  ;     OR    THE    RIGHTS    AND    DUTIES    OF 
BUSINESS    AND    MONEY. 

CHAPTER  XXVI,  What  Wealth  is.  —  Natural  wealth,  wealth 
in  public  works,  wealth  in  men,  wealth  in  paper,  false  wealth. 
How  wealth  varies.    The  increase  of  wealth 169 

CHAPTER  XXVII.  The  Conditions  of  Wealth.  — Unfavorable 
conditions,  —  war  ;  piracy  ;  slavery  ;  caste  ;  prejudice  against  for- 
eigners. The  physical  conditions  of  wealth,  —  the  climate  ;  natural 
resources  ;  the  spur  of  necessity.     Moral  conditions,  —  enterprise 

^  or  energy  ;  intelligence  ;  taste  ;  honesty  ;  good  faith  or  confidence ; 
a  state  of  peace ;  courage  ;  humanity 175 


TABLE  OF   CONTENTS.  XIU 


CHAPTER  XXVIII.  To  whom  Wealth  belongs,  and  how  it  is 
DIVIDED,  —  The  useful ;  by  discovery  and  invention ;  by  produc- 
tion ;  by  the  work  of  distribution  ;  transportation  ;  protection ;  ad- 
ministration and  accounts  ;  economy  and  saving ;  instruction  ;  by 
providing  comfort ;  recreation ;  personal  and  domestic  service ; 
the  luxuries ;  by  the  work  of  the  family.  The  division  of  labor. 
The  division  of  wealth.     The  law  of  supply  and  demand ....  182 

CHAPTER  XXIX.  The  Institution  of  Property.  —  Wealth  in 
common,  and  its  difficulties.  The  beginnings  of  property.  Differ- 
ences among  men  in  tastes  and  capacity.  Property  by  earning, 
by  exchange,  by  gift  or  inheritance,  by  natural  genius,  by  accident 
and  good  fortune,  by  possession.  Property  in  land.  Eminent 
domain.  Common  property.  The  public  interest  in  property. 
Responsibility  for  property 191 

CHAPTER  XXX.  Honest  Money.  —  What  money  is.  Changes  in 
money  value.  The  double  or  single  standard.  A  moral  question. 
The  money  of  commerce.  Paper  money,  bank  bills,  checks  and 
drafts.  The  government  and  paper  money ;  specie  payments. 
Gold  and  silver  certificates.     A  national  danger 199 

CHAPTER  XXXI.  Capital,  Credit,  and  Interest.  —  What  capi- 
tal is.  How  it  grows.  What  credit  is.  Corporations.  Profits, 
rent,  and  interest,  how  they  justly  arise.  The  rate  of  interest; 
how  it  is  fixed.  Usury,  and  usury  laws.  Should  the  government 
lend  money  to  its  citizens  ? 205 

CHAPTER  XXXII.  Labor  and  Competition.  —  The  law  of  life. 
Labor  and  wages ;  labor  and  wealth,  A  common  fallacy.  The 
hours  of  labor.  The  general  duty  of  labor;  different  kinds  of 
laborers.  Disturbances  in  industry ;  business  crises.  The  free 
system ;  the  law  of  freedom  in  industry.  The  good  side  in  free- 
dom ;  the  moral  side ;  certain  evils  ;  the  men  at  the  bottom.  Two 
kinds  of  competition ;  the  competition  of  men,  or  emulation .     .     .  213 

CHAPTER  XXXm.  The  Grievances  of  the  Poor.  — The  two 
extremes.  The  Socialists.  The  men  and  the  system ;  the  ineffi- 
cient ;  the  ignorant ;  the  idle ;  the  unfortunate  ;  the  vicious.  A 
problem  what  to  do.  What  the  object  of  society  is ;  freedom 
and  manhood ;  faith  in  our  fellow-men.    A  summary 222 


XIV  TABLE   OF   CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV.  The  Abuses  and  the  Duties  of  Wealth. 
—  The  significance  of  property.  The  class  of  the  rich.  The  rich 
who  have  done  no  service.  The  different  uses  of  wealth.  Monop- 
olies, good  or  bad;  checks  upon  monopolies.  Land  monopoly; 
its  cure.  The  rivalry  of  the  rich.  Waste  by  the  rich.  Capitalists. 
The  duties  of  wealth.  Trusteeship ;  service  ;  sharing ;  public  munif- 
icence.    In  whose  hands  the  wealth  ought  to  be 228 

CHAPTER  XXXV.  Buyers  and  Sellers  ;  or  the  Mutual  Ben- 
efit.— The  idea  of  business.  Legitimate  and  illegitimate  busi- 
ness. The  law  of  supply  and  demand,  or  competition,  in  buying 
and  selling.  Selling  in  the  dearest  market.  Buying  in  the  cheap- 
est market.  Freedom  in  trade.  International  freedom  of  trade. 
Freedom  in  trade :  what  harm  it  may  work ;  the  two  sides.  Pay- 
ing one's  debts  ;  bankruptcy 237 

CHAPTER  XXXVI,  Employers  and  the  Employed  ;  their  In- 
terests IN  EACH  OTHER.  —  The  rights  of  employers;  fidelity. 
The  rights  of  employees ;  —  wages  or  salary  ;  respect ;  honest 
management.  The  labor  market.  The  human  element.  Low 
wages  and  the  limit  of  decency.  The  employees  who  cannot  help 
themselves.  Employers  who  cannot  help  themselves.  Indus- 
trial warfare,  strikes  and  lockouts ;  trades-unions.  The  good  in 
trades-unions.  Arbitration.  The  interests  of  employers  and  the 
employed  together.  Co-operation  and  profit-sharing.  Women's 
work  and  wages.    The  commonwealth  of  labor 246 


PAET   FOUKTH. 

SOCIAL    RIGHTS    AND    DUTIES  ;     OR    THE    DUTIES    OF    MEN"   AS 
THEY    LIVE    TOGETHER    IN    SOCIETY. 

CHAPTER  XXXVn.  The  Rights  and  Duties  of  Neighbors.— 
The  growth  of  the  neighborly  feeling.  Our  rights.  Neighborly 
duties  ;  just  judgment ;  humane  respect ;  sympathy  ;  forbearance  ; 
assistance.  Different  grades  of  duties.  What  we  do  not  owe  to 
neighbors.  The  difficulty  in  -treating  men  as  neighbors.  The 
social  aim 257 

CHAPTER  XXXVIII.  The  Treatment  of  Crime.  — Who  are 
criminals.    Our  duties  to  criminals.     Punishments.     Fines.     Im- 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS.  XV 

FAQB 

prisonment.  The  death  penalty.  The  rights  of  wrong- doers ;  what 
we  ought  to  do.  The  indeterminate  sentence.  Prison  reform. 
The  power  of  pardon.  The  prevention  of  crime.  The  detection  of 
crime.    Lynch  law.     A  flnal  caution 263 

CHAPTER  XXXIX.  How  to  help  the  Poor.  —  Pauperism.  Char- 
ity :  the  general  law.  Exceptional  cases ;  why  society  must  give 
relief.  Who'  is  responsible  for  the  poor.  The  city  poor  and  the 
country  poor.  What  kinds  of  help  do  no  harm.  Friendly  gifts 
and  alms:  the  difference.  "Not  alms,  but  a  friend."  What  is 
being  done.  The  Associated  Charities.  Savings  banks.  The 
housing  of  the  poor.  Cautions.  Rich  beggars,  paupers,  and 
tramps 272 

CHAPTER  XL.  The  Great  Social  Subjects. —The  growth  of 
moral  habits.  The  great  rule  of  morals.  Moral  subjects  that  have 
been  settled.  New  moral  questions ;  lotteries  and  gambling ;  gam- 
bling in  prices  or  stock  speculation.  The  family ;  the  equal  law 
of  purity  for  men  and  women.     The  marriage  laws  ;  divorce     .     .  281 

CHAPTER  XLI.  The  Problems  of  Temperance. —  The  old-world 
idea  of  temperance.  Facts  upon  which  all  agree.  The  modern 
or  American  idea.  A  new  moral  rule.  The  reformers.  What  is 
being  done  ;  license.  The  drinking-saloon.  Prohibition.  Public 
control  of  the  liquor  traffic.    Local  option.     Moral  education    .     .  287 


PAET   FIFTH. 

INTERNATIONAL    DITTIES;     OR    THE   RIGHTS    AND    DUTIES 
OF    NATIONS. 

CHAPTER  XLII.  International  Law,  and  how  it  grows. — 
Ancient  warfare.  International  jealousy.  The  dawn  of  interna- 
tional rights -.  Christianity.  Popular  government.  Popular  intelli- 
gence. The  reciprocity  of  interests.  The  new  sentiment.  Inter- 
national law 297 

CHAPTER  XLIII.  The  Rights  of  Nations.  —  Three  purposes  of 
international  law.  The  diplomatic  service.  National  rights ;  do- 
mestic affairs ;  foreign  commerce  and  intercourse ;  the  custom 
house.  Maritime  rights.  Rights  of  travel  and  residence  abroad. 
Authors'  and  inventors'  rights 301 


XVI  TABLE  OF   CONTENTS. 

PAGB 

CHAPTER  XLIV.  The  Duties  of  Nations.  —  Obvious  or  recog- 
nized duties.  Duties  of  honor.  The  duties  of  nations  towards 
their  colonies ;  of  civilized  nations  to  the  less  civilized ;  towards 
tribes  of  savages.  Our  Indian  wards.  New  methods  of  treating 
the  Indians 304 

CHAPTER  XLV.  War  and  Arbitration;  Patriotism. — War 
establishments.  The  reason  for  war.  Just  and  unjust  war.  The 
laws  of  war.  Arbitration.  An  international  court  of  appeal. 
Patriotism  and  the  national  flag.  Citizens  by  adoption.  The 
common  humanity.  Summary.  A  bit  of  philosophy.  The  two 
kinds  of  conscience 309 

Books  Recommended  for  Reference 317 


PART   FIRST. 

THE  BEaiNNINaS   OF  CITIZENSHIP. 


PART    FIRST. 
THE  BEaiNNmaS  OF  CITIZENSHIP. 

CHAPTER  I. 

THE  FAMILY  AND   ITS   GOVERNMENT. 

We  come  under  government  as  soon  as  we  are  born.  It 
is  the  government  of  the  family.  One  of  our  first  lessons 
is  to  obey  the  authority  of  parents  or  guardians.  We  find 
at  once  that  we  cannot  do  as  we  please,  but  that  others 
besides  ourselves  must  be  regarded.  So  with  the  property 
of  the  home,  which  must  not  be  injured  or  wasted.  If  we 
disobey,  if  we  hurt  the  others,  if  we  injure  the  house  and 
its  furniture  and  try  to  do  as  we  please,  we  immediately 
find  ourselves  liable  to  punishment. 

Obedience.  —  We  have  to  obey  this  family  government 
whether  we  understand  the  reasons  for  it  or  not.  If  it 
were  not  always  perfectly  just,  the  children  would  still 
have  to  obey.  But  there  must  be  some  deep  reasons  why 
we  ought  to  obey.  One  of  these  reasons  is  the  welfare  of 
the  child.  We  all  see  this  for  young  children ;  since  they 
do  not  know  what  is  good  for  them,  there  must  be  some 
authority  to  protect  them  from  themselves.  For  the 
child's  own  good,  it  must  not  be  suffered  to  do  harm  to 
itself.     It  is  hard  to  tell  precisely  when  the  child  knows 

3 


4  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

what  is  good  for  him,  so  well  that  he  does  not  need  to 
obey  the  parents'  authority  any  longer ;  but  it  has  been 
found  in  the  experience  of  many  generations  that  on  the 
whole,  while  the  child  is  still  growing,  that  is,  to  the  age  of 
twenty-one  years,  it  is  best  for  all  concerned  to  continue 
the  authority  of  the  parents.  The  parent,  if  not  always 
wise,  is  likely  to  know  much  better  than  the  child  what  is 
good  for  him.  There  might  be  an  exceptional  child  wiser 
than  his  parents ;  but  we  have  to  make  rules  in  view  of 
the  best  good  of  all  children. 

Another  reason  for  the  family  government  is  plainly  for 
the  sake  of  justice  to  others.  Suppose  a  boy  hurts  his 
brother,  or  disturbs  the  household  with  noise,  it  would  not 
be  right  to  allow  him  to  continue  to  annoy  others.  In- 
deed, every  intelligent  child  has  a  good  and  reasonable 
side ;  when  you  appeal  to  him  on  his  fair  side,  he  would 
not  thank  you  for  letting  him  do  harm  to  the  others.  His 
true  self  would  vote  that  he  ought  to  be  stopped,  if  neces- 
sary, by  force.  It  might  happen  that  a  parent  had  ordered 
unwisely,  and  an  older  child  might  think  that  he  knew 
better  than  the  parent ;  nevertheless,  the  harm  that  diso- 
bedience does  to  the  family  is  so  great  that  the  older  child 
ought,  for  the  good  of  all,  still  to  obey. 

A  third  reason  why  we  should  obey  parents  is  that  they 
have  to  bear  the  responsibility  of  the  family,  to  provide  a 
home  and  the  means  of  support,  and  to  take  the  blame  and 
loss  that  might  arise  from  an  unruly  household.  They 
must  therefore  have  power  to  enforce  the  rules  that  seem 
necessary  in  order  to  succeed  with  their  charge.  There 
is  another  reason  why  we  ought  to  honor  and  obey  our 
parents  as  long  as  we  live  —  this  is  because  they  love  us ; 
but  we  do  not  like  to  be  told  that  we  ought  to  give  them 
this  kind  of  regard,  since  at  our  best  we  give  it  freely. 


THE  FAMILY  AND   ITS   GOVERNMENT.  5 

Punishments.  —  Since  there  has  to  be  authority  in  the 
family  both  for  the  child's  good  and  for  the  welfare  of  the 
home,  and  since  there  must  be  obedience  to  prevent  disor- 
der and  mischief,  it  follows  that  there  must  be  punishment 
or  restraint  in  case  of  disobedience;  in  fact,  there  is  an 
animal  nature  in  us  with  its  passions  and  greed  which  re~ 
quires  to  be  curbed.  If  the  child  is  intelligent  and  strong 
enough,  he  will  curb  his  own  passions  and  appetites ;  but 
if  he  has  not  yet  learned  to  do  this,  some  one  must  help 
him  till  he  is  strong  enough  to  need  no  help.  Punish- 
ment, therefore,  ought  to  be  directed  to  give  the  child  self- 
control.  He  should  be  made  uncomfortable  when  he  does 
injustice ;  he  should  find  that  falsehood  will  prevent  his 
being  trusted,  that  violence  takes  away  his  freedom,  that 
by  disorderliness  he  will  have  his  privileges  cut  off,  that  if 
he  behaves  like  a  baby,  he  must  continue  to  be  treated 
accordingly  ;  but  punishment  must  always  be  for  the  good 
of  the  child  and  for  the  good  of  the  home,  in  which  case 
there  will  need  to  be  very  little  of  it. 

The  home  a  primary  school  for  the  state.  —  It  will  be 
seen  that  the  home  is  the  first  school  in  which  we  learn  to 
be  citizens.  As  the  home  and  its  teachings  are,  so  will  the 
citizens  of  the  state  be  later.  Indeed,  there  are  perhaps  as 
many  kinds  of  government  in  the  home  as  there  are  in 
nations.  There  are  homes  in  which  the  government  is  a 
form  of  despotism,  though  possibly  firm  and  benevolent. 
There  are  homes  like  a  little  republic  in  which  everything 
is  discussed  in  family  council,  and  where  nothing  is  done 
without  common  consent ;  and  there  are  unfortunately 
homes  without  thorough  order,  discipline,  or  authority, 
but  where  each  member  does  as  he  likes.  If  now  we  can 
learn  what  the  best  kind  of  home  is,  we  can  see  better  how 
we  should  live  together  in  the  state. 


6  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

A  true  family  government.  —  Let  us  ask  what  kind  of 
home  we  should  like  best  to  live  in  and  to  grow  up  in. 
There  would  certainly  have  to  be  authority  in  it,  or  there 
would  be  disorder  and  discomfort.  The  authority  would 
be  such  that  every  one  could  have  the  largest  freedom  of 
action  consistent  with  his  own  good  and  the  comfort  of 
all.  When  the  freedom  of  any  one  made  annoyance  to 
others,  or  when  freedom  was  abused,  it  would  have  to  be 
curtailed.  As  fast  as  children  grew  to  deserve  more  free- 
dom, it  would  be  given  them  ;  but  on  condition  that  they 
proved  worthy  of  trust.  We  should  like  also  to  be  gradu- 
ally taken  into  our  parents'  confidence  and  consulted  upon 
matters  affecting  ourselves  or  the  home  life ;  and  so  fast 
as  our  opinions  came  to  be  worth  considering,  they  should 
have  weight  accordingly.  On  certain  subjects,  as  we  grew 
older,  the  decisions  of  the  family  should  be  taken  by  vote, 
and  a  majority  should  determine  what  was  best ;  but  we 
should  always  trust  our  parents  as  wiser  and  more  experi- 
enced. They  would  have  to  bear  the  responsibility  for  the 
conduct  of  the  family ;  they  should  therefore  always  hold 
the  "  veto  power  "  to  overrule  the  opinions  or  wishes  of 
their  children.  Moreover,  the  father  and  mother,  while 
each  having  his  or  her  own  office  in  which  each  should 
be  supreme,  should  work  together  for  the  common  happi- 
ness of  the  home.  There  would  be  some  subjects,  as 
for  example  in  the  care  of  the  younger  children,  in 
which  the  mother  alone  would  be  responsible,  as  the 
father  is  responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  business. 
The  older  children,  also,  after  a  while  might  be  assigned 
certain  duties,  as  for  example  the  care  of  the  grounds 
or  of  rooms  in  the  house,  for  which  they  too  should 
be  responsible,  subject  only  to  the  oversight  of  the 
parents. 


THE  FAMILY   AND   ITS   GOVERNMENT.  7 

Thus  we  have  established  a  little  state,  with  different 
departments  in  it,  in  which  every  one  has  a  voice  as  soon 
as  he  deserves  and  as  long  as  he  is  trustworthy,  in  which 
each  has  liberty  as  far  as  he  uses  it  fairly,  in  which  each 
also  has  duties  and  tasks  for  the  good  of  all.  In  this 
government  the  parents  are  naturally  the  supreme  author- 
ity, though  influenced  in  many  ways  by  the  opinions  of^ 
their  children.  This  little  state  would  change  its  char- 
acter according  to  the  members  who  made  it  up.  If  the 
children  were  very  intelligent  and  good,  there  would  be 
at  the  same  time  order  and  great  liberty ;  if  the  children, 
however,  were  perverse  and  stupid,  much  authority  would 
have  to  be  exercised  and  many  rules  would  have  to  be 
made,  spoiling  the  liberty  of  each.  If  the  mother  were 
wise,  but  the  father  were  foolish  and  incapable,  some  of  his 
responsibility  would  have  to  be  taken  by  the  mother,  and 
there  might  be  conflicts  of  authority  between  the  heads  of 
the  house.  If,  again,  the  father  was  tyrannical,  he  might 
take  more  power  than  was  good  for  the  home.  Yet  it 
would  be  a  very  bad  government  by  the  parents  that  was 
not  better  than  to  let  the  children  grow  up  to  do  as  they 
pleased. 

An  exception.  —  There  is  a  law  even  higher  than  the 
command  of  a  parent.  It  is  the  law  of  right.  The  parent 
must  not  require  of  the  child  what  is  not  just  or  true  or 
pure.  In  such  a  case  it  would  not  be  doing  real  honor  to 
the  parent  to  obey.  Indeed,  the  parent  at  his  best  would 
not  wish  the  child  to  obey  a  command  that  violated  right, 
or  that  injured  others.  To  obey  a  wrongful  or  wicked 
command  would  therefore  be  not  only  an  injury  to  one's 
own  conscience,  but  to  the  person  who,  perhaps  in  a  hasty 
mood,  had  given  the  command.  To  disobey,  however,  is 
to  risk  punishment.     Whoever,  then,  for  the  sake  of  his 


8  THE   AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

conscience  feels  obliged  to  refuse  a  wrongful  command 
must  be  willing  to  take  the  consequences.  It  will  be  bet- 
ter to  be  punished  undeservedly  than  to  do  a  wrong.  For- 
tunately, it  is  a  very  unnatural  parent  or  guardian  who 
requires  a  child  to  do  wrong,  and  the  laws  of  the  state  can 
be  invoked  to  protect  or  even  to  take  away  children  who 
are  thus  abused  by  bad  or  intemperate  parents. 


THE  SCHOOLROOM   AND   ITS   GOVERNMENT. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  SCHOOLROOM   AND    ITS   GOVERNMENT. 

We  will  suppose  that  one  of  the  children  from  our  good 
home  is  now  sent  to  school.  Here  is  another  little  state, 
with  the  teacher  at  the  head  of  it.  What  is  the  teacher's 
government  for?  It  is,  as  in  the  home,  to  secure  the  good 
of  each  and  the  greatest  comfort  of  all.  The  school  must 
therefore  have  certain  simple  rules  or  laws.  These  rules 
have  been  found  necessary  by  jnany  generations  of  schools. 
There  must  be  regularity  in  attendance,  punctuality,  order 
and  quiet,  prompt  obedience.  Why?  Because  without  all 
these  conditions,  not  only  the  teacher  cannot  do  his  work 
well,  but  the  scholars  are  robbed  of  their  opportunity  to 
learn.  If  a  number  of  the  scholars  were  late,  the  whole 
school  would  suffer.  If  every  one  could  talk  or  whisper 
as  each  pleased,  lessons  would  be  interrupted.  Whoever 
disobeys  delays  the  school  and  robs  the  others'  time.  A 
certain  measure  of  strictness  is  needed  in  the  school,  pre- 
cisely as  every  part  of  an  engine  needs  to  be  screwed  to 
its  place ;  for  strictness,  if  it  is  good  tempered,  prevents 
friction  and  discomfort. 

So  when  the  teacher  insists  upon  the  right  way  of  doing 
anything,  getting  a  lesson  or  pronouncing  a  word,  it  is 
because  the  right  way  as  a  rule  is  the  best  and  easiest. 
The  scholar  who  comes  from  a  good  home  will  see  this ; 
he  will  know  that  the  government  of  the  school  is  not  for 
the  sake  of  the  teacher,  but  that  it  is  for  the  scholars. 


10  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

He  will  have  learned  already  to  trust  authority  and  to 
obey  without  always  understanding  the  reason,  for  he  will 
have  found  that  there  generally  are  reasons  for  every  com- 
mand. 

Different  kinds  of  school  government.  —  If  the  chil- 
dren in  a  school  are  young,  there  must  be  more  restraint 
and  many  rules.  The  teacher  must  simply  command  and 
teach,  and  the  children  must  obey  and  learn  their  lessons  : 
the  school  is  a  little  monarchy.  In  an  older  school  the 
government  can  be  different.  The  scholars  can  be  trusted 
as  they  become  intelligent ;  they  can  be  given  greater 
liberties ;  their  opinion  can  occasionally  be  taken  by  the 
judicious  teacher ;  they  can  even  by  and  by  be  taken  into 
the  confidence  of  the  teacher;  some  of  tliem  can  be 
appointed  to  assist  in  certain  school  offices.  The  scholars 
are  put  upon  their  honor  as  fast  as  they  learn  to  know 
what  honor  is.  The  character  of  the  government  of  the 
school  grows  to  be  more  like  a  republic,  the  more  mature 
the  scholars  become.  There  will  be  subjects  on  which  the 
master  takes  the  vote  of  the  school  and  lets  the  majority 
decide.  There  will  be  occasions  when  the  teacher  can 
hear  open  discussion  of  a  question  and  let  the  scholars 
express  themselves.  The  more  honorably  liberty  is  used, 
the  more  liberty  can  be  given  ;  but  the  authority  must 
always  rest  with  the  teacher  to  forbid  whatever  would 
injure  the  school,  since  the  teacher  is  responsible  for  the 
welfare  of  all. 

Co-operation  in  the  school  government.  —  Even  in  a 
primary  school  the  teacher  does  not  govern  alone.  The 
pupils  also  help  govern;  they  help  by  their  consent  and 
obedience ;  they  may  help  very  much  by  their  good  temper 
towards  each  other  and  their  teacher.  In  a  school  of 
older  and  intelligent  scholars  the  teacher  hardly  governs 


THE   SCHOOLROOM  AND   ITS   GOVERNMENT.  11 

at  all.  There  is  little  need  of  discipline  or  rules  or  pun- 
ishments. This  is  because  the  scholars  have  learned  to 
govern  themselves.  They  now  see  that  the  school  is  not 
for  the  teacher,  but  for  them.  The  teacher  is  not  an 
enemy  to  their  happiness,  but  their  friend.  To  help  make 
the  school  a  success,  to  win  and  keep  a  good  reputation 
for  it,  to  free  the  teacher  from  watching  the  conduct  of 
his  school  that  he  may  use  his  strength  the  better  to  teach, 
—  these  are  ways  to  serve  themselves.  Thus  the  school 
becomes  like  a  university  of  grown  men  and  women.  The 
good  school  is  now  fitting  boys  and  girls  who  will  also 
govern  themselves  in  the  state,  and  who  will  therefore  be 
able  to  use  the  largest  liberty  as  citizens. 


12  THE   PLAYGROUNDS:    ITS   LESSONS. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  PLAYGROUND:    ITS   LESSONS. 

Boys  and  girls  learn  some  of  the  most  important  things 
without  knowing  it,  when  they  are  at  play.  They  learn 
to  act  together,  to  respect  each  other's  rights,  and  to  obey 
their  own  leaders  and  officei-s.  We  may  call  the  play- 
ground a  little  democracy,  like  a  little  nation  where  all 
have  equal  rights.  It  may  be  a  wild  and  lawless  democ- 
racy, however,  like  savage  tribes  who  have  not  learned  to 
live  together.  There  may  be  quarrels  settled  by  fighting ; 
there  may  be  bullies  who  tease  and  oppress  weaker  chil- 
dren; there  may  be  sulky  ones  who  withdraw  from  the 
rest  unless  they  can  have  their  own  way.  If  these  things 
are  so,  it  is  because  the  children  are  still  young  or  unintel- 
ligent. The  plaj^ground  is  not  well  organized.  We  call 
the  state  of  things  anarchy  where  the  members  of  any 
society  pull  apart  instead  of  pulling  together. 
/  The  organized  playground.  —  As  soon  as  children  grow 
older,  they  begin  to  see  that  quarrelling  and  sulking  spoil 
the  sport.  They  learn  that  it  is  not  only  unfair  for  one  to 
insist  upon  having  his  own  way  in  spite  of  the  wish  of  the 
others,  but  that  the  one  who  insists  or  else  sulks  by  himself 
has  an  uncomfortable  time ;  for  no  one  likes  to  play  with 
him.  They  learn  that  fighting  is  a  poor  and  clumsy  way 
to  settle  difficulties  and  that  it  is  likely  to  leave  ugly  feel- 
ings after  it  is  over.  They  agree  therefore,  for  example, 
in  a  game  of  ball  to  choose  a  captain  and  to  obey  him. 


THE   PLAYGROUND.  13 

They  agree  to  go  to  play  where  the  majority  decide.  In- 
stead of  stopping  to  quarrel  over  the  questions  of  the 
game,  they  choose  some  fair  boy  as  umpire  and  agree  to 
abide  by  his  decision.  The  playground  now  becomes  a 
little  republic,  with  its  own  officers  and  its  rules.  The 
boys  find  that  they  have  a  much  better  time  as  fast  as  they 
learn  to  govern  themselves  and  respect  each  other's  rights. 
Though  they  have  to  keep  their  rules,  they  have  really 
more  freedom  so  than  when  before  they  interfered  with 
each  other.  They  can  give  all  their  strength  now  to  their 
play  when  before  they  had  to  be  on  the  watch  to  protect 
themselves  from  bullies  or  tricksters.  Even  in  contests  of 
strength  like  wrestling,  they  find  that  the  advantage  is 
with  him  who  keeps  a  cool  head  and  controls  his  temper. 
Thus  they  discover  that  rules  and  government  even  in 
games  make  the  game  better  sport.  Good  rules  or  lawsy/ 
instead  of  restricting  liberty,  protect  it. 

Moreover,  the  same  playground,  when  organized  and 
fairly  divided,  will  accommodate  twice  as  many  boys  as 
could  play  on  it  before  they  had  agreed  which  part  each 
should  have.  Precisely  as  civilized  men,  who  divide  their 
land,  get  many  times  the  product  from  it  and  enjoy  it  more 
freely  than  when  wild  and  hostile  tribes  roamed  over  it. 

Public  opinion.  —  Besides  the  rules  of  the  playground, 
there  is  a  force  which  is  always  over  the  boys  and  girls  to 
restrain  or  compel  them.  This  is  the  common  opinion  of 
their  companions.  Thus,  telling  tales  is  generally  held  to 
be  mean.  This  public  opinion  of  a  school  or  a  playground 
may  be  right  and  just,  but  of  course  it  is  sometimes  hasty 
and  unfair.  In  this  case  it  requires  courage  and  indepen- 
dence to  resist  or  question  it.  Whoever  acts  or  speaks 
against  the  public  opinion  of  playmates  runs  the  risk  of 
unpopularity  and  sometimes  of  mischief. 


14  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

It  is  very  desirable,  however,  that  there  should  be  those 
who  are  brave  enough  sometimes  to  take  this  risk  and  do 
the  unpopular  thing;  for  often  one  or  two  independent 
boys  or  girls  will  carry  influence  enough  to  prevent  an 
injustice  or  to  hold  back  others  from  joining  in  a  mean  or 
cowardly  act.  It  will  be  found  that  a  considerable  number 
were  ready  to  agree  with  the  independent  fellow,  but  had 
not  the  courage  to  say  so.  At  the  worst,  if  one  has  to 
stand  alone,  opinion  always  comes  around  at  last  to  sup- 
port what  is  fair  and  honorable.  Neither  is  the  bold  stand 
for  justice,  good  order,  or  fair  play  likely  to  be  really  un- 
popular, if  the  independent  person  is  also  brave,  outspoken, 
and  good  tempered. 

Taking  risks.  —  There  are  certain  risks  that  have  often 
to  be  taken  in  games  or  sports.  There  is  risk  of  accident 
to  the  person,  or  of  loss  or  injury  to  property  or  clothing, 
of  one's  own,  or  others'.  There  are  certain  times  and 
places  specially  fit  for  the  purposes  of  play,  where  risk  is 
least.  There  are  other  places  so  unsuitable  that  the  risk 
becomes  excessive.  In  general,  it  is  right  to  take  the  neces- 
sary risks  of  any  sport  which  come  within  the  rules  of  that 
sport.  It  is  fair  to  take  the  risks  of  pain  or  loss  which  one 
can  afford  to  meet,  such  as  hurting  one's  fingers  or  losing 
one's  ball,  but  it  is  foolish  to  take  extra  risks,  like  bathing 
in  a  dangerous  undertow.  It  is  wrong  to  take  such  risks, 
that  if  harm  came,  others  would  have  to  suffer  or  pay  the 
expense.  It  is  unfair  to  play  baseball  in  front  of  one's 
neighbor's  windows,  which  if  broken  one  has  not  the 
money  to  repair,  and  it  is  unfair  needlessly  to  risk  cloth- 
ing, or  anything  else  which  another  must  mend  or  replace. 
In  short,  the  risks  of  play  and  sport  begin  to  be  hazardous 
and  soon  come  to  be  wrong,  as  soon  as  they  involve 
trouble,  anxiety,  loss  or  injury  to  others. 


THE  PLAYGROUND.  15 

Playing  to  win.  —  It  is  natural  to  like  to  win  in  a 
game.  But  there  is  one  thing  better  than  to  win.  It  is 
to  play  with  skill  and  honor.  Thus,  it  is  better  to  play 
well  and  to  be  defeated  by  a  worthy  and  superior  antago- 
nist than  to  play  ill  and  only  to  beat  an  inferior.  It  is 
better  to  play  honorably  and  be  beaten  than  to  win  a  game 
by  foul  means  and  tricks ;  for  example,  by  maiming  one's 
opponents  at  football.  To  play  a  dishonorable  game  is  a 
confession  of  weakness. 

Betting.  —  What  harm  is  there  in  betting,  for  example, 
upon  the  result  of  a  game  ?  Or,  in  putting  up  marbles  to 
win  or  lose  ?  The  trouble  is  that  it  forms  a  habit  in  a 
mischievous  direction.  Betting  and  gambling  have  done 
so  much  harm  among  men  that  laws  are  made  to  forbid 
them.  Betting  men  and  gamblers  are  apt  therefore  to  be 
a  dangerous  class  of  citizens. 


16  THE  AilEElCAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

THE  CLUB   OR   DEBATING   SOCIETY. 

We  will  suppose  that  a  set  of  boys  or  girls  form  a 
Tennis  Club  or  a  Debating  Society.  It  is  evident  that 
there  must  be  some  order  and  certain  simple  rules. 

The  president  or  chairman.  —  In  the  first  place  there 
must  be  a  chief  or  head.  It  will  not  do  for  several  to 
speak  at  once,  but  some  one  whom  all  are  agreed  to  re- 
gard shall  keep  order  and  require  the  members  of  the 
club  to  take  their  fair  turn  in  speaking.  The  person  who 
presides  at  a  meeting  is  often  called  the  chairman  ;  and  he 
is  said  "  to  take  the  chair."  When  the  club  has  been  thor- 
oughly formed,  there  will  be  a  regular  or  permanent  chair- 
man, who  may  be  called  the  president. 

As  soon  as  there  is  a  chairman,  whoever  wishes  to  speak 
or  to  propose  a  plan  must  rise  and  address  the  chairman, 
who  will  call  his  name,  unless  another  has  the  first  claim 
to  be  heard.  While  one  speaks,  the  chairman  will  not 
suffer  others  to  interrupt,  for  no  one  else  would  wish  to  be 
interrupted  when  his  turn  comes. 

The  chairman  must  be  impartial  and  give  equal  chance 
to  every  one,  since  he  is  the  officer  of  the  whole  club.  It 
would  be  unfaii",  for  example,  for  him  to  let  his  particular 
friends  have  more  than  their  share  of  the  time,  or,  if  there 
were  two  parties,  to  favor  one  of  them  and  allow  his  favor- 
ites to  interrupt  the  speakers  of  the  other  side.  Indeed, 
a  partial  or  one-sided   chairman  would  soon  break  up  a 


THE   CLUB    OR   DEBATING   SOCIETY.  17 

club,  since  it  would  not  be  worth  while  to  attend  meetings 
which  were  unfairly  conducted.  So  important  is  it  that 
the  chairman  should  not  needlessly  take  sides  with  one 
party  or  the  other,  that  it  is  not  customary  for  him  while 
acting  as  chairman  to  speak  on  any  question,  or  to  vote 
unless  there  is  a  tie,  that  is,  an  equal  division  of  the  votes 
between  Yes  and  No.  In  that  case  the  chairman  may 
throw  the  casting-vote  and  decide. 

The  constitution  and  rules.  —  It  would  not  be  well  to 
expect  any  chairman  to  keep  order  without  some  instruc- 
tions. He  needs  a  plan  which  all  shall  understand  and 
agree  to.  The  club  will  therefore  have  a  constitution  and 
rules.  Whoever  joins  the  club  agrees  to  live  by  these 
rules.  But  the  rules  must  be  framed  so  as  to  help  the 
club  and  not  to  thwart  it,  or  else  they  will  have  to  be  fre- 
quently altered. 

The  membership  of  the  club.  —  Perhaps  it  will  be 
agreed  that  any  one  can  join  the  club  who  will  agree  to  its 
rules ;  but  some  clubs  are  exclusive,  and  only  allow  such 
members  to  join  as  those  already  in  'the  club  permit.  At 
any  rate,  there  must  be  some  rule  to  determine  who  the 
members  of  the  club  shall  be,  and  there  must  be  a  list  of 
the  members,  otherwise  the  president  might  not  know  who 
had  a  right  to  speak  and  to  vote. 

The  quorum.  —  One  of  the  rules  of  the  club  will  pro- 
vide how  many  members  must  be  present  before  the  meet- 
ing can  begin  to  do  business.  For  it  would  not  be  right 
for  a  very  small  number  to  decide  a  matter,  like  the  spend- 
ing of  money,  without  waiting  to  see  what  the  others 
wished.  At  the  same  time,  it  would  not  do  to  keep  a 
considerable  number  waiting  till  all  the  tardy  members 
arrived.  If  then  the  club  numbered  thirty,  it  might  fix 
half  its  number,  or  fifteen,  as  the  quorum. 


18  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Fair  notice  of  meetings.  —  The  rules  will  also  provide 
that  full  notice  of  every  meeting  be  given  to  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  club.  Thus  it  would  not  do  for  a  few  members 
to  call  a  meeting  and  make  up  a  quorum  by  themselves, 
or  to  call  a  meeting  at  a  time  when  others  either  did  not 
know  of  it,  or  could  not  conveniently  attend.  Notice 
should  also  be  given  of  any  important  business  to  be  dis- 
cussed at  a  meeting,  so  that  all  who  are  interested  can  be 
present. 

Changing  the  constitution.  —  Some  of  the  rules  for  a 
club  are  merely  for  convenience  (By-Laws),  and  are  in- 
tended to  be  easily  altered  or  set  aside  on  occasion.  But 
the  plan  of  the  club,  or  the  constitution,  ought  not  lightly 
to  be  set  aside.  If  the  club,  for  example,  were  started  to 
play  tennis,  and  certain  members  proposed  to  alter  it  to  a 
boat  club,  there  ought  to  be  a  thorough  understanding  of 
the  new  plan  and  a  general  agreement  before  a  change  was 
made,  since  many  who  had  joined  the  club  might  be 
disappointed  at  the  change.  It  is  generally  agreed,  there- 
fore, that  the  constitution  must  not  be  altered  at  any  one 
meeting,  or  without  the  agreement  of  a  large  part,  perhaps 
two-thirds,  of  the  members. 

Free  discussion.  —  If  any  question  is  before  the  club, 
there  ought  to  be  ample  time  for  every  one  to  understand 
it,  and  for  those  who  wish,  to  say  what  they  think  on  both 
sides.  Even  when  the  larger  number  have  made  up  their 
minds,  they  should  be  willing  to  hear  the  other  side 
patiently,  and  be  persuaded  to  change  in  case  good  reasons 
can  be  given.  This  is  what  each  would  wish  for  himself 
if  he  thought  that  his  side  had  not  had  a  fair  hearing. 

On  the  other  hand,  members  must  not  be  selfish  and 
obstinate.  It  would  not  be  fair  that  any  one  should  speak 
twice  on  the  same  subject ;  at  least,  as  long  as  others  had 


THE  CLUB   OR   DEBATING   SOCIETY.  19 

not  yet  had  an  opportunity.  It  would  not  be  fair  for  any 
one  to  speak  for  an  unreasonable  time,  or  in  any  case  to 
speak  for  the  mere  satisfaction  of  hearing  himself.  Neither 
is  it  fair,  unless  for  some  very  serious  reason,  to  go  on 
objecting  after  both  sides  have  been  heard  and  the  larger 
number  are  ready  to  decide.  Rules  are  therefore  made,  on 
one  hand,  to  give  the  few  their  full  rights  to  object  and 
persuade  the  others,  or  to  delay  hasty  action ;  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  to  give  the  majority,  or  larger  number,  their 
rights  also,  and  to  prevent  a  few  discontented  or  sulky 
members  from  blocking  all  the  business.  It  needs  to  be 
said  that  rules  are  not  enough,  unless  there  is  also  a  spirit 
of  fair  play.  For  good  rules  can  be  abused  by  mischievous 
persons,  and  even  forced  to  work  injustice,  if  members  of  a 
club  are  willing  to  wrong  each  other. 

The  method  of  business.  —  When  a  number  of  persons 
meet  together,  there  is  apt  to  be  a  great  waste  of  time  in 
talking.  For  nearly  every  one  has  something  to  say,  often 
about  subjects  which  are  of  no  importance.  The  talking 
must  therefore  be  confined  to  some  subject  which  really 
belongs  to  the  club  to  discuss.  The  rule  is,  if  a  member 
proposes  anything  or  "  makes  a  motion,"  that  some  one  else 
must  "  second "  it,  before  the  chairman  can  allow  talking 
about  it.  At  least  two  persons  ought  to  be  interested 
in  the  subject  before  the  attention  of  the  club  is  asked 
to  it. 

One  thing  at  a  time.  —  When  a  subject  has  been  pro- 
posed, it  must  be  attended  to  before  anything  else  is 
brought  forward.  If  any  one  wishes  to  speak,  he  must 
speak  to  the  subject,  and  not  to  something  else.  When- 
ever there  has  been  talking  enough  about  it,  the  members 
can  call  for  the  "  Question  " ;  and  unless  the  larger  num- 
ber choose  to  hear  more  talking,  the  chairman  must  let  it 


20  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

be  decided  at  once.  The  club  can,  however,  defer  it,  or 
"  lay  it  upon  the  table,"  and  then  go  on  to  other  things. 

Amendments.  —  It  may  happen  that  some  one  proposes 
a  good  plan,  but  another  sees  a  better  one.  He  can  offer 
an  "  amendment "  or  improvement  to  the  original  motion, 
and  if  some  one  "  seconds  "  him,  the  chairman  must  see  that 
every  one  now  talks  about  the  amendment,  till  the  club  is 
ready  to  decide  whether  to  accept  it  or  not.  There  can 
be  an  amendment  to  an  amendment,  but  business  would 
become  complicated  if  amendments  could  go  any  further. 

How  to  decide  questions.  —  If  there  were  a  few  mem- 
bers of  a  club  wiser  than  all  the  rest,  it  might  do  to  ask 
them  to  decide  for  the  rest.  But  it  is  often  hard  to  tell 
who  are  wise,  and  the  wisest  sometimes  make  mistakes. 
Besides,  no  one  would  ever  become  wise  without  practice 
in  thinking  about  questions  and  deciding  them.  Since, 
therefore,  all  have  to  share  in  the  expenses  and  in  the 
work,  it  is  fairest  that  the  larger  number,  the  majority^ 
shall  decide.  The  smaller  number,  the  minority^  must 
yield,  as  they  would  wish  to  have  the  othei's  do  in  case 
they  had  the  choice.  In  particular  cases,  however,  such 
as  very  knotty  subjects,  it  would  be  fair  for  the  club  to 
refer  the  question  to  a  select  number  of  its  best  or  oldest 
members  (a  committee)^  and  either  to  abide  by  their  deci- 
sion, or  at  least  to  delay  action  till  their  committee  should 
report.  In  a  very  large  club  or  society,  in  order  to  save 
time,  it  might  be  necessary  to  refer  almost  every  question 
to  a  committee,  to  find  out  whether  it  was  worth  while 
for  the  club  to  talk  about  it ;  as  when  a  great  ship  is  ex- 
ploring, it  sends  a  boat  into  a  new  harbor  to  find  whether 
it  is  desirable  for  the  ship  to  follow. 

Voting.  —  The  different  modes  of  voting,  or  helping  to 
decide  a  question,  will  be  spoken  of  in  another  chapter. 


THE  CLUB   OR   DEBATING   SOCIETY.  21 

It  is  enough  to  say  here  that  it  is  evidently  fair  that  each 
member  shall  have  one  vote  and  only  one.  To  cast  two 
votes  on  the  same  question  is  to  steal  a  vote. 

The  reconsideration.  —  It  is  a  pity  for  any  one,  after 
making  up  his  mind,  to  have  to  change.  But  it  is  vastly 
better  to  change  than  to  decide  wrongly.  If  a  member 
therefore  thinks  that  the  club  ought  to  alter  its  decision, 
he  can  "  move  to  reconsider "  or  bring  up  the  question 
again.  It  must  be  some  one  who  had  before  been  in  the 
majority,  and  has  changed  himself,  who  can  fairly  ask  the 
others  to  change. 

The  secretary  or  clerk.  —  It  is  evident  that  there 
should  be  some  one  appointed  to  keep  a  copy  of  the  con- 
stitution and  rules,  to  have  a  correct  list  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  club,  to  give  the  proper  notices  to  members, 
and  to  keep  a  record  of  all  that  is  done  at  each  meeting. 
For  at  the  next  meeting  it  will  be  necessary  first  to  know 
what  was  done  and  what  was  left  over  at  the  meeting 
before.  The  secretary  ought  to  be  a  careful  and  accurate 
person. 

The  treasurer. — It  is  likely  that  the  club  will  have 
need  of  money.  Perhaps  the  members  will  have  to  pay 
dues.  In  this  case  some  one  must  be  chosen  to  collect 
and  keep  the  money  and  to  pay  it  out  as  the  club  directs. 
It  is  not  every  one  who  means  well  who  will  make  a  good 
treasurer.  He  must  be  very  exact  in  keeping  his  accounts 
or  he  will  make  bad  mistakes ;  if  he  is  heedless,  he  will 
forget  to  put  down  the  names  of  those  who  pay  him  ;  and 
he  must  be  extremely  careful  not  to  mix  the  club  money 
with  his  own.  Of  course  he  must  not  use  the  club  money 
for  himself  or  his  friends,  or  borrow  it  for  a  day.  All 
that  he  has  a  right  to  do  is  to  keep  it  safe  for  the  club. 
In  short,  he  must  not  do  anything  with  it  that  he  would 


22  IHE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

not  wish  every  member  of  the  club  to  know.  He  must 
also  be  ready  to  give  account  of  his  payments  of  the 
money,  and  the  club  ought  to  see  that  his  accounts  are 
regularly  examined  or  audited.  A  faithful  treasurer  will 
always  prefer  to  show  his  accounts.  The  treasurer  should 
also  have  good  manners,  for  otherwise  he  may  offend  those 
of  whom  he  has  to  collect  their  dues. 

Other  officers.  —  There  will  often  be  matters  of  busi- 
ness, for  which  it  would  be  inconvenient  to  call  together 
fche  whole  club.  For  example,  it  might  be  desirable  to 
j,rrange  for  a  picnic.  A  committee  would  tlierefore  be 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  arrangements.  Besides 
special  committees,  it  saves  trouble  to  have  certain  per- 
manent committees,  as,  for  example,  to  take  care  that  the 
expenses  of  the  club  are  proper  and  within  its  means, 
and  to  examine  the  treasurer's  accounts.  If  the  club  had 
grounds,  or  bats  and  balls,  there  might  be  a  person  or  a 
committee  chosen  to  care  for  the  good  order  and  safety 
of  the  property  of  the  club.  For  that  which  it  is  the 
special  business  of  a  few  or  of  one  person  to  care  for  is 
apt  to  be  much  better  done  than  that  which  no  one  is 
responsible  for. 

Of  course  it  is  right  that  every  one  should  be  willing  to 
take  his  turn  in  doing  the  work  of  the  club.  On  the 
other  hand,  no  one  who  cares  for  the  success  of  the  club 
should  wish  to  have  any  oilice  which  another  member 
could  fill  better.  To  scheme  to  get  an  office  is  almost  as 
bad  as  to  vote  for  one's  self. 

It  will  be  seen  that  there  are  some  places  which  any 
member  would  be  useful  in  filling.  It  will  be  well  to  give 
as  many  as  possible  something  to  do.  But  there  are  other 
places,  as  the  president's,  where  there  is  need  of  unusual 
fairness,  judgment,  and  skill.     The  club  must  have  one  of 


THE   CLUB   OR   DEBATING   SOCIETY.  23 

its  best  members  for  president,  as  a  boat's  crew  must  have 
its  most  skilful  man  to  steer. 

It  is  well  for  every  boy  and  girl  to  belong  to  some  club, 
to  help  manage  it  in  an  orderly  manner,  to  obey  its  rules, 
and  to  make  it  efficient  and  successful.  For  the  club 
demands  of  its  members,  courtesy  to  one  another,  respect 
towards  its  officers,  courage  in  speaking  one's  opinions, 
fairness  to  the  other  side  —  the  same  qualities  of  good 
citizenship  which  make  the  nation  strong.  It  is  because 
civilized  men  have  these  qualities  that  they  are  able  to 
govern  themselves.  If  in  a  legislature  or  congress  many 
members  are  without  these  qualities,  there  will  be  fric- 
tion, prejudice,  faction,  hatred,  bad  words,  and  insult,  pos- 
sibly blows  and  violence,  and  free  government  becomes 
impossible. 


24  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  V. 

PERSONAL   HABITS. — THE  CONDITIONS   OF  GOOD 
CITIZENSHIP. 

One  forms  no  habits  which  do  not  affect  others,  so  as  to 
increase  happiness  or  else  lessen  it.  If  it  were  ever  right 
to  do  harm  to  one's  self,  it  would  still  be  unfair  to  form 
habits  which  injured  friends  or  neighbors.  Moreover,  the 
habits  which  are  injurious  in  the  home  or  the  schoolroom 
are  precisely  those  which  hurt  others  in  society,  in  busi- 
ness, or  in  the  state. 

Cleanliness  and  order.  —  One  of  the  marks  of  barbarous 
men  is  that  they  do  not  know  the  use  of  water.  They  are 
unacquainted  with  soap,  and  their  huts  are  dirty ;  their  vil- 
lages are  untidy;  they  often  therefore  suffer  terrible  epi- 
demics of  disease ;  whereas  the  higher  type  of  men  find 
pleasure,  comfort,  and  health  in  being  clean.  The  more 
wealth  they  possess,  and  the  more  tools  and  appliances 
they  have,  the  more  necessary  it  is  to  keep  things  in  place. 
The  closer  they  live  together  in  great  towns,  the  greater 
the  need  is  that  every  one  shall  co-operate  to  maintain 
wholesome  and  orderly  premises  and  streets :  for  one  badly 
kept  house  may  poison  a  neighborhood ;  an  unsightly  yard 
may  offend  the  eyes  of  hundreds  of  people ;  scraps  of  soiled 
paper  thrown  into  the  street  and  left  there  will  give  an  ill 
look  to  a  town. 

Polite  or  civil  manners.  —  The  word  civil  means  fii-st 
'what  men  do  in  cities,  for  civilization  is  the  art  of  living 


PERSONAL  HABITS.  25 

together  with  many  others.  Rude  or  slovenly  manners, 
speech,  and  habits,  therefore,  which  might  do  less  harm  in 
the  woods  where  men  rarely  meet  a  stranger,  become  very 
uncomfortable  as  soon  as  men  meet  in  considerable  num- 
bers ;  precisely  as  a  rude,  selfish  child,  who  has  no  brothers 
and  sisters  to  be  made  unhappy,  becomes  disagreeable  when 
he  canies  his  bad  manners  to  school. 

The  fact  is,  that  every  one  naturally  likes  to  have  re- 
spect shown  him :  we  would  rather  be  met  with  a  courteous 
greeting  than  with  a  scowl ;  we  would  wish  our  neighbors 
not  to  push  or  crowd  against  us.  We  therefore  agree,  in 
fairness  to  each  other,  to  use  the  same  respect  to  others 
Avhich  we  like  to  have  shown  us.  This  is  the  root  of  good 
manners.  We  soon  discover  that  life  is  far  smoother  and 
more  pleasant  so.  Certain  "rules  of  politeness,"  as  they 
are  called,  are  simply  the  ways  which  men  have  learned 
for  best  showing  each  other  the  respect  and  consideration 
which  they  like  to  have  others  give  them ;  that  is,  there  is  . 
generally  some  reason  for  the  "  polite  rule."  If  we  watchy/ 
we  may  discover  what  it  is ;  as,  for  example,  there  is  a  rea- 
son why  in  crowded  streets  carriages  are  required  to  go  to 
the  right  in  passing  each  other. 

If  any  rule  or  observance  ever  proved  not  to  express 
respect  or  friendliness,  we  should  be  justified  in  giving  it 
up ;  but  we  must  be  sure  that  we  are  right  in  our  opinion 
about  it,  before  we  care  to  render  ourselves  singular ;  since 
it  is  unsocial  to  stand  aloof  from  what  our  fellows  do, 
without  a  good  reason.  We  observe  the  rules  of  good 
manners,  then,  even  when  we  cannot  always  quite  see  the 
'reason  for  the  rules,  because  on  the  whole  they  decidedly 
add  to  the  convenience  and  happiness,  —  first,  of  the  home 
or  our  school ;  and  later,  of  the  men  and  women  who  make 
up  society,  —  and  also  because  it  is  foolish,  unsocial,  and 


26  THE  AMERICA]!?   CITIZEN. 

barbarous  to  disregard  or  despise  what  men  and  women 
generally  do. 

Examples.  —  It  is  a  matter  of  very  ancient  custom  for 
youth  to  pay  respect  to  age.  This  is  partly  because  we 
have  a  right  to  believe  that  older  persons  will  have  wisdom 
and  character  which  deserve  respect ;  it  is  partly  because 
we  should  %vish  ourselves,  when  we  come  to  greater  age,  to 
be  treated  with  deference ;  it  is  partly  because  in  advanced 
age  there  is  often  need  of  kindly  help  and  consideration. 
It  is  also  good  for  the  young  themselves  to  snow  the  marks 
of  respect  to  their  elders.  It  is  part  of  the  discipline  in 
patience,  gentleness,  self-control,  which  goes  to  make  manly 
or  womanly  character. 

In  barbarous  times  there  was  scant  courtesy  shown  to 
woman.  Then  came  the  age  of  chivalry,  when  manners 
became  more  refined.  It  was  held  to  be  the  mark  of  a 
gentleman  to  show  special  consideration  and  respect  to 
womanhood.  This  is  partly  out  of  regard  to  the  mothers, 
to  whom  true  men  recognize  a  debt  of  care  and  love  which 
they  can  never  repay.  Respect  is  also  due  to  women  on 
the  ground  of  their  finer  and  more  sensitive  organization, 
as  one  handles  delicate  china  more  carefully.  This  respect 
to  womanhood  is  not  only  for  the  advantage  and  happiness 
of  women ;  it  is  equally  for  the  advancement  of  men, 
who  enjoy  a  high  civilization  in  proportion  as  women  are 
treated  with  honor.  Certain  outward  marks  of  respect, 
like  lifting  the  hat,  are  simply  the  tokens  of  such  honor- 
able feeling. 

Money  and  its  use. — Every  one  shows  his  character  by 
the  way  he  uses  money.    In  some  households  an  allowance  • 
is  given  to  the  children  to  spend  or  save  or  give  away. 
Almost  every  boy  or  girl  has  also  means  of  earning  money. 
One  may  soon  see  whether  a  young  person  is  truthful  or 


PERSONAL   HABITS.  27 

mean  or  generous,  by  his  dealing  with  money.  Does  he 
keep  account  of  his  expenditures  ?  Is  he  able  to  make  his 
accounts  balance,  or  does  he  forget  to  put  items  down  ?  Is 
he  willing  or  not  that  his  father  or  mother  shall  see  what 
he  does  with  his  money?  Is  he  able  to  keep  within  his 
means,  or  does  he  fall  into  a  habit  of  borrowing  ?  Is  he 
willing  fairly  to  earn  his  money,  or  does  he  expect  to  be 
paid  more  than  the  market  price  ?  Is  he  sharp  at  a  bar- 
gain? All  these  things  determine  and  help  make  his  char- 
acter. By  and  by,  when  he  takes  his  place  as  a  citizen,  we 
shall  want  to  know  how  he  uses  his  money,  before  we  can 
trust  him  to  take  office  and  look  out  for  the  interests  of 
others.  If  boys  and  girls  cheat,  or  cannot  live  on  their 
allowance,  they  will  be  likely  to  make  bad  or  dangerous 
citizens. 

Thoroughness.  —  The  government  of  any  country  is 
certain  to  be  like  its  people.  It  cannot  be  much,  if  any, 
better  than  they  are.  The  scholare  of  to-day  will  soon  be 
the  people.  Every  thorough  person  then  will  help  make 
the  state  strong,  like  a  good  stone  in  a  wall;  as  every 
shiftless  and  slovenly  person,  like  so  much  rubbish,  weakens 
society  and  the  state.  Thoroughness  is  equally  a  condition 
of  success  in  business.  It  is  not,  therefore,  one's  own 
affair  merely,  whether  he  is  punctual  in  engagements  and 
regular  in  his  habits,  or  whether  he  gets  his  lessons. 
These  things  affect  the  state. 

Honor.  —  Suppose,  as  soon  as  a  scholar  knows  that  the 
teacher's  eye  is  not  on  him  or  that  he  will  not  be  found 
out,  he  is  always  on  the  watch  to  break  the  rules :  or  sup- 
pose that  a  boy  wcmid  steai  or  cneat  if  he  were  not  afraid 
of  punishment ;  or  suppose  that  an  umpire  favors  his  own 
friends  or  the  boys  of  his  own  school,  —  we  say  in  every 
such  case  that  the  person  has  no  sense  of  honor  ;  in  other 


28  THE   AMEEICAX  CITIZE??'. 

words,  we  cannot  depend  upon  such  persons  or  trust  tliem. 
There  are  schools  in  which  the  scholars  would  scorn  to 
take  any  advantage  of  the  absence  of  their  teacher ;  there 
are  boys  whom  you  can  trust  to  be  as  fair  to  the  other 
party  in  a  bargain  as  to  themselves,  and  who  would  be 
equally  fair  if  no  one  ever  knew  what  they  did.  We  call 
such  conduct  honor.  If  there  were  not  at  least  some  such 
men  and  women  in  every  state  and  town,  we  could  not 
maintain  the  republic. 

Truth.  —  The  story  is  that  the  early  Persians,  besides 
the  use  of  the  bow  and  the  horee,  trained  their  boys  to 
speak  the  truth,  and  so  their  sons  conquered  the  East. 
Lying  is  a  mark  of  cowardice,  as  though  the  liar  confessed 
that  his  forefather  had  been  wont  to  cringe  as  serfs  or 
slaves,  while  truthfulness  bespeaks  noble  and  fearless 
blood. 

Self-control.  —  There  was  a  fabled  creature  called  the 
Centaur.  He  was  a  man  above  and  a  beast  below.  Every 
human  being  may  be  likened  to  the  Centaur.  We  call  a 
man  brutal  whenever  the  beast  is  stronger  than  the  man. 
We  only  call  him  a  man  when  he  rides  the  beast.  The 
beast  throws  the  man  as  often  as  he  shows  greed  and 
gluttony,  or  pushes  and  snatches  for  more  than  his  share. 
The  man  rides  the  beast  when  he  says  no  to  excess  and 
holds  appetite  within  bounds.  No  parent  or  teacher  or 
master  can  do  this  for  another,  but  each  one  has  to  learn 
to  do  it  for  himself. 

The  pure  life.  —  There  are  many  habits  of  life  and 
speech  which  survive  among  men  from  barbarous  or  savage 
times.  We  easily  and  almost  by  instinct  know  them  as 
low,  base,  and  degrading.  There  are  young  persons,  who 
perhaps  from  some  weak  strain  in  their  ancestry,  are 
specially  liable  to  low  habits  and  coarse  speech.     Others 


PERSONAL   HABITS.  29 

from  ignorant  homes  or  through  thoughtless  companions 
and  bad  books  fall,  if  not  into  ruinous  practices,  menacing 
bodily  health,  at  least  into  damaging  habits  of  thought  and 
conversation,  spoiling  the  health  of  the  mind ;  for  there  are 
things  that  soil  and  hurt  the  mind  as  pitch  soils  the  hands, 
or  dry-rot  infects  a  tree.  Whoever  intelligently  cares  for 
happiness  will  therefore  avoid  the  things  that  turn  a  man 
into  a  beast.  Those  unfortunate  persons  who  lack  self- 
control  and  moral  vigor  to  outgrow  the  animal  taint,  be- 
come the  most  worthless  and  dangerous  part  of  human 
society,  who  crowd  the  prisons  and  insane  asylums  in 
every  state. 

The  narcotics  and  stimulants.  —  Whoever  wishes  to 
be  strong,  whoever  wishes  to  keep  health  and  vigor,  who- 
ever wishes  a  sound  heart,  a  clear  eye,  and  a  steady  hand, 
whoever  wishes  to  render  the  most  useful  and  patriotic 
service  as  a  good  citizen,  will  need  to  beware  of  the  use 
of  the  alcoholic  drinks  and  all  narcotic  stimulants  and 
drugs.  Especially  in  the  period  of  growth,  these  things 
tend  invariably  to  lower  the  health  of  body  and  mind. 
Tobacco  has  been  found  to  be  specially  perilous  to  the  life 
of  growing  youth.  Wine  and  beer  are  conceded  never  to 
be  useful  for  the  young,  and  particularly  in  our  bracing 
American  climate  to  involve  physical  as  well  as  moral 
peril.^  The  same,  though  in  smaller  measure,  may  be  said 
of  the  frequently  excessive  use  of  candies  and  condiments 
which  undermine  the  health,  and  threaten  the  vigor  of  the 
coming  generation  of  citizens. 

1  This  fact  is  now  recognized  by  the  laws  of  many  of  the  States,  which 
forbid  the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks  or  tobacco  to  minors. 


30  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  PEINCIPLES   THAT   BIND  IMEN  TOGETHER. 

We  have  now  established  a  few  principles  which  are  at 
the  foundation  of  human  society.  There  is  no  one,  fit  to 
live  with  others,  who  is  not  able  at  once  to  understand 
these  principles  and  to  see  the  reason  for  them.  Our  con- 
sciences at  once  answer  to  them  and  tell  us  that  they  are 
right ;  at  our  best  we  mean  to  obey  them.  If  we  break 
them,  it  is  because  we  are  both  wrong  and  stupid ;  we  do 
ourselves  harm,  as  if  we  had  kicked  against  spikes.  Let 
us  briefly  sum  up  these  principles,  which  every  human 
being  who  wants  to  live  happily  with  others  ought  to  make 
up  his  mind  to  heed. 

Respect  for  others'  rights.  —  We  must  treat  another 
as  we  would  wish  to  be  treated.  We  must  not  hurt  or 
defraud  or  annoy  him.  We  must  not  injure  his  property. 
Why  ?  Because  like  a  brother,  he  is  entitled  to  all  the 
respect  that  we  claim  from  him  ;  because,  also,  every  one  is 
happier,  richer,  and  more  friendly,  when  all  respect  each 
other.  This  holds  true  even  in  our  treatment  of  those 
who  seem  to  be  bad.  We  treat  them  as  friends  and  not 
enemies,  on  the  ground  of  our  confidence  that  they  are 
not  altogether  bad,  but  that  they  also  have  a  good  side  like 
ourselves ;  in  other  words,  we  treat  others  as  we  should 
wish  to  be  treated  if  ever  we  do  wrong. 

Authority  and  reverence.  —  We  have  also  seen  that 
there   must   be  some  one  in  the  home  and  school,  and 


THE  PRINCIPLES   THAT   BIND   MEN   TOGETHER.         31 

sometimes  on  the  playground,  who  shall  direct  or  com- 
mand the  others,  and  who  shall  therefore  exercise  author- 
ity, for  this  is  for  the  good  of  all.  It  is  even  for  the  good 
of  the  disobedient,  who  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  hurt 
himself  or  others.  Authority  is  meant  to  help  him,  as  the 
harness  helps  the  horse  to  pull  more  easily.  But  if  there 
must  bfe  authority  for  the  greater  good  of  all,  we  owe  it 
respect  and  loyalty.  This  is  reverence,  especially  when 
we  are  loyal  to  truth,  justice,  or  right. 

Majority  rights. — We  have  seen,  too,  that  the  only 
fair  way  to  decide  a  question  often  is  to  see  what  the 
larger  number  want.  This  is  another  way  of  respecting 
others  by  respecting  their  wishes  or  their  opinions.  This 
is  fairer  to  them  and  fairer  to  ourselves  than  to  quarrel ; 
that  is,  it  is  for  the  general  good,  always  provided  that 
the  majority  do  not  compel  us  to  do  wrong. 

Responsibility.  —  We  also  find  that  each  one  has  a 
share  in  whatever  the  others  do.  Each  shares  in  the  pleas- 
ure or  in  the  losses  of  all.  Even  the  minority  share  in 
what  the  majority  decide.  The  minority  must  help  pay 
the  expense  or  bear  the  loss  of  all,  as  they  will  enjoy  suc- 
cess if  it  comes.  So  if  the  majority  do  wrong,  the  minor- 
ity have  to  suffer  too,  till  they  can  persuade  the  majority 
to  do  right.  This  is  responsibility.  It  could  not  be  other- 
wise as  long  as  we  live  together.  It  is  fair,  since  we  are 
perfectly  willing  to  share  in  the  gain  that  others  bring  us, 
that  we  should  share  together  in  the  losses  ;  for  it  would 
be  evidently  mean  to  take  the  credit  that  our  club  or  our 
party  wins,  and  not  to  be  willing  to  take  the  blame  which 
it  incurs.  We  cannot  shirk  responsibility,  then,  except  by 
living  altogether  alone,  like  Robinson  Crusoe.  Indeed,  we 
should  be  responsible,  if  we  deserted  our  fellows  and  left 
them  to  act  alone. 


32  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

The  use  of  power.  —  We  also  see  that  power  of  any 
sort  —  ability,  strength,  skill  —  is  not  for  the  individual 
only.  It  is  to  share  and  to  serve  the  others  with,  as  the 
muscle  of  a  good  oarsman  or  the  quickness  of  the  cox- 
swain is  for  the  whole  crew.  So  the  good  scholar  earns 
honors  for  the  school.  So  the  capable  and  trained  man  will 
make  the  town  richer.  The  parent,  teacher,  or  officer  holds 
power  for  the  sake  of  making  all  happier,  and  not  for 
himself  merely.  This  is  fair  in  the  family,  because  we 
there  each  belong  to  the  other.  It  is  fair,  for  the  same 
reason,  wherever  we  live  together.  It  is  fair  in  the  great 
world,  because  the  noblest  way  of  considering  human  life 
is  as  a  greater  family  of  brothers.  It  is  also  fair,  because, 
whenever  we  try  this,  it  works  better  than  any  other  way ; 
besides,  it  is  what  the  strong  man  would  wish  others  to  do 
with  their  power  in  case  he  became  weak. 

The  public  service.  —  It  follows,  therefore,  that,  besides 
obedience  to  authority,  or  doing  as  we  are  bidden,  we 
owe  something  extra.  We  owe  all  that  we  can  do  for  the 
common  good.  We  evidently  owe  this  in  a  home.  We 
want  there,  besides  doing  what  we  must,  to  contribute 
something  additional,  as  the  j^arents,  besides  giving  a  bare 
living  to  their  children,  like  to  give  them  comforts  and 
pleasures.  So  wherever  we  live  together,  we  wish  to  add 
something  to  the  good  of  the  whole.  This  is  fair  and 
right,  because  we  in  our  turn  have  received  and  inherited 
from  those  before  us,  who  have  left  the  world  richer  for 
their  gifts  and  public  service. 

The  two  classes :  the  strong  and  the  weak.  —  We 
see  in  every  home  and  every  school,  and  wherever  men 
live,  that  there  are  two  classes.  One  class  are  those  who 
for  some  reason  have  to  be  helped  and  supported.  The 
iittle  children  especially  are  in  this  class.     So  are  the  sick 


THE  PRINCIPLES  THAT  BIND  MEN  TOGETHER.         33 

in  body  or  mind.  The  other  class  are  those  who  do  more 
for  others  than  others  do  for  them.  They  therefore  help 
support  or  take  care  of  the  weak.  It  is  necessary  some- 
times to  belong  to  the  first  class  and  to  have  to  be  carried ; 
but  it  is  disgraceful,  if  one  can  help  it,  to  stay  in  that  class 
and  to  compel  others  to  carry  us.  It  is  like  stealing,  to  be 
willing  to  do  less  for  others  than  they  do  for  us.  It  is 
therefore  ignoble  to  be  idle  ;  to  receive  and  not  to  give ;  to 
inherit  money  or  skill  or  the  means  of  education,  and  then 
not  to  leave  others  richer  for  what  we  have  had.  It  is 
shameful  to  receive  kindness  and  care,  and  at  least  not  to 
give  back  thanks  and  cheerfulness  ;  for  whoever  is  willing 
on  the  whole  and  through  life  to  take  more  than  he  earns, 
takes  out  of  what  others  earn. 

Chivalry.  —  Since  there  are  a  multitude  of  persons  in 
the  world  who  have  to  be  helped,  and  many  others  who, 
though  able,  are  unwilling  to  do  more  than  they  are 
obliged,  there  is  need  always  of  some  who  will  do  more 
than  their  share.  While  others  will  do  their  work,  if 
praised  and  honored  and  paid,  these  will  often  serve  with- 
out pay  or  thanks ;  as  Washington  would  accept  no  com- 
pensation for  commanding  the  American  army,  and  even 
when  his  enemies  critcised  and  abused  him,  cheerfully  con- 
tinued to  serve.  We  call  such  men  as  Washington  chiv- 
alrous, like  the  knights  in  the  old  stories,  who  were 
pledged  to  help  and  defend  the  poor  and  weak. 

We  are  prepared  now  to  apply  these  principles  in  the 
large  field  of  politics,  business,  and  society. 


34  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

THE   DIFFERENT    DUTIES    THAT    MEN    OWE    EACH    OTHER. 

/  As  soon  as  we  go  outside  the  family  or  begin  to  read 
/history,  we  find  certain  duties  and  obligations  which  bind 
people  together  as  fellow-citizens  or  as  employers  and 
laborers.  Thus  the  state  furnishes  protection  and  other 
services  to  her  people ;  and  the  question  arises,  What 
ought  the  citizen  to  do  in  return  ?  It  oftens  happens  that 
there  are  present  in  a  country  an  ignorant  or  a  foreign 
class ;  and  the  question  comes,  how  they  should  be  treated. 
There  are  bad  and  shiftless  people  ;  and  we  want  to  know 
what  should  be  done  with  them.  There  are  people  who 
work  hard  and  have  small  wages,  and  others  who  do  not 
work  at  all,  and  yet  have  great  incomes ;  and  the  question 
rises,  whether  this  is  right.  These  and  many  other  hard 
questions  like  them  about  right  and  wrong  and  duty  arise 
whenever  men  live  together  in  cities  or  nations,  or  when 
they  buy  and  sell  and  employ  labor.  The  same  kind  of 
questions  apply  to  the  duties  of  one  nation  to  another,  and 
to  the  important  subjects  of  peace  and  war. 

The  divisions  of  our  subject.  —  It  is  thus  seen  that 
there  are :  First,  duties  which  the  citizens  of  a  state  owe 
each  other  and  the  government,  such  as  voting  and  obey- 
ing the  laws.  They  depend  upon  the  application  of  the 
principles  of  justice  and  friendliness,  already  perceived  in 
the  family,  the  schoolroom,  and  the  playground,  to  the 
science  of  government.     We  call  them  political  duties; 


DUTIES  THAT   MEN  OWE  EACH   OTHER.  36 

that  is,  citizens'  duties.  Secondly,  there  are  duties  which 
grow  out  of  the  earning  and  the  possession  of  money. 
The  wealth  and  comfort  of  a  people  ought  in  some  way  to 
be  fairly  apportioned ;  and  no  class  must  oppress  or  injure 
the  trade  and  business,  or  subtract  from  the  prosperity,  of 
another  class.  We  may  call  this  second  kind  of  rights  and 
duties  (from  a  Greek  word  which  has  been  used  to  apply 
to  wealth)  economic^  or  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  fair 
management  and  distribution  of  money.  They  are  the 
application  of  the  principles  of  justice  to  the  science  of 
political  economy. 

Thirdl}'-,  we  call  the  duties  of  the  wealthier,  better  edu- 
cated, and  virtuous  people  of  a  community  towards  the 
ignorant,  the  vicious,  and  the  poor,  social  duties,  or  the 
duties  which  men  living  together  in  society  owe  with 
regard  to  the  evils  of  crime,  pauperism,  ignorance,  and 
caste.  These  duties  are  the  application  of  justice  and 
humane  principle  to  the  questions  of  social  science. 

And,  fourthly,  we  call  the  duties  which  one  state  owes 
to  another  international.  The  science  of  international  law 
hps  its  foundation  in  these  duties.  Obedience  to  these 
duties  would  forbid  most,  if  not  all,  wars. 

Examples.  —  More  than  a  hundred  years  ago  our  fore- 
fathers rebelled  against  the  British  government.  They  be- 
lieved that  they  were  doing  right ;  but  their  Tory  neighbors 
conscientiously  thought  otherwise.  This  question  of  right 
or  wrong  falls  under  the  head  of  political^  or  citizens'  duties. 

We  frequently  read  of  great  strikes,  in  which  workmen 
combine  to  compel  railroads  or  manufacturing  companies 
to  pay  higher  wages.  The  question  whether  a  strike  is 
right,  or  what  the  companies  ought  to  do,  comes  under  the 
head  of  economic  rights  and  duties,  or  the  duties  as  to  the 
management  and  distribution  of  money. 


36  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

We  have  jails  and  prisons,  in  which  criminals  are  con- 
fined, and  often  obliged  to  work  without  wages.  What 
right  have  we  to  shut  men  up  and  punish  them?  The 
question  of  the  treatment  of  criminals  belongs  under  the 
head  of  social  duties ;  that  is,  the  duties  which  grow  out  of 
the  fact  that  different  kinds  of  people  who  have  to  be 
treated  differently  live  together  in  society. 

The  English  have  long  held  the  government  of  India 
and  compelled  the  natives  to  obey  them.  The  question, 
What  right  have  the  English  in  India,  falls  under  the  head 
of  international  rights  and  duties,  or  the  duties  of  one 
nation  towards  another ;  for  example,  a  stronger  towards 
a  weaker.  So,  too,  there  has  been  much  discussion  about 
the  use  of  the  great  fisheries  off  the  coast  of  Newfound- 
land and  our  Alaskan  seal  fisheries.  To  whom  do  they 
rightly  belong  ?  And  why  ?  In  the  following  lessons  we 
shall  study  the  duties  which  grow  out  of  instances  like 
these. 


PAET   SECOND. 

THE  CITIZEN  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT;  OR,  THE 
RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES   OF  CITIZENS. 


PART   SECOND. 

THE  CITIZEN  AND  THE  GOVERNMENT ;  OR,  THE 
RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES   OF  CITIZENS. 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

THE  PURPOSE   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

At  a  great  seaport  like  Boston  or  New  York  one  may 
see  forts  and  ships  of  war  which  belong  to  the  government, 
and  soldiers  whom  the  government  pays ;  or  one  reads  in 
the  newspapers  of  troops  fighting  the  Indians  in  the  West, 
The  iron-plated  ships,  the  forts,  the  cannon,  and  the  troops 
remind  us  that  the  government  undertakes  to  defend  its 
citizens  from  enemies.  ~ 

The  enemies  of  a  country  are  not  all  in  foreign  lands,  or 
barbarous  tribes  on  the  frontier.  There  is  also  a  class  of 
citizens  who  are  enemies  to  the  rest ;  they  injure  and  rob 
property,  and  even  take  life ;  or  they  want  to  be  idle, 
and  live  at  others'  expense  ;  or  they  are  unjust  and  selfish, 
and  interfere  with  the  rights  of  others.  The  government, 
therefore,  undertakes  to  protect  its  people  from  enemies 
at  home.  The  courts  and  the  jails  which  the  govern- 
ment supports ;  the  judges,  constables,  and  police  whom  it 
pays,  —  illustrate  this  second  purpose  of  the  government ; 

39 


40  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

namely,  to  protect  people  from  the  wrong-doing  of  their 
fellow-citizens. 

The  government  does  not  stop  with  defending  the  life 
and  property  of  its  people.  It  sends  their  letters  over  the 
world ;  it  builds  roads  and  keeps  them  in  order ;  it  bears 
the  expense  of  schoolhouses  and  teachers ;  it  owns  the 
lighthouses ;  it  pays  vast  sums  to  construct  levees  and 
breakwaters.  Thus  government  undertakes  many  great 
works  which  individuals  would  not  or  could-  not  do  so 
well.  A  great  army  of  surveyors,  engineers,  clerks,  post- 
men, and  laborers  are  under  the  pay  of  the  government, 
and  constitute  the  civil  service. 

What  the  government  is.  —  When  we  in  the  United 
States  speak  of  the  government,  we  generally  mean  the 
President  and  the  two  houses  of  Congress  at  Washington. 
But,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  there  is  also  a  government 
or  legislature  in  each  state,  as  well  as  a  government  in 
every  city  or  town .  It  is  a  government,  for  example,  when 
at  a  town  meeting  the  citizens  decide  how  much  money 
they  will  spend  for  roads  and  schools,  and  appoint  a  com- 
mittee (the  selectmen)  and  other  officers  who  shall  act  in 
their  name  for  the  year.  Congress  is  really  a  great  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States  to  make 
suitable  rules  or  laws  for  carrying  out  the  purposes  of  gov- 
ernment; each  state  legislature  is  a  similar  committee  of 
the  peoj)le  of  that  state.  The  government  is  thus  the 
method  by  which  the  people  of  a  country  manage  to 
defend  themselves  against  their  foes,  to  secure  life  and 
property  from  injustice,  and  to  carry  on  necessary  public 
works. 

Examples  of  the  duties  of  the  government.  —  A  col- 
ony of  families  who  have  established  a  new  town  in  one  of 
the  territories  are  threatened  by  a  tribe  of  Indians.     It  is 


THE  PUEPOSE  OF  GOVERNMENT.         41 

the  duty  of  the  government  to  send  an  army,  if  necessary, 
to  protect  these  colonists. 

A  man  wants  to  build  a  high  wooden  house  in  a  crowded 
city,  or  to  keep  a  store  of  gunpowder.  It  is  the  duty  of 
the  government  to  forbid  him  from  doing,  even  on  his  own 
premises,  what  would  endanger  the  safety  of  his  neighbors. 

There  are  people  who  have  violent  prejudices  against 
their  colored  fellow-citizens  or  those  of  foreign  birth,  as 
the  Poles  and  Italians,  whom  they  would  perhaps  like  to 
prevent  from  getting  work  or  from  voting.  It  is  the  duty 
of  the  government,  through  its  laws,  to  give  exactly  the 
same  protection  to  al]  classes  of  its  citizens. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  a  city  or  a  corporation  pol- 
lutes the  water  of  a  stream,  and  so  injures  the  health  of 
the  residents  of  another  town.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  gov- 
ernment, through  the  courts,  to  investigate  such  ques- 
tions, and  to  order  suitable  redress. 

In  every  closely  built  city  it  is  the  duty  of  its  govern- 
ment to  provide  a  fire  department,  and  to  make  proper 
regulations  for  the  health  of  the  people,  otherwise  the 
ignorance  or  carelessness  of  a  few  would  tlireaten  the  safety 
of  all. 

One  of  the  dangers  which  threaten  a  government  is 
ignorance.  It  is,  therefore,  a  duty  to  provide  at  least  a 
certain  amount  of  instruction,  and  to  require  the  attend- 
ance of  children  at  school. 

Two  opposite  ideas  about  government. — If  all  the 
citizens  of  a  State  were  good  and  also  wise,  and  if  the 
people  of  other  countries  were  well  disposed,  it  is  evident 
that  there  would  be  no  need  of  government  for  the  pro- 
tection of  its  citizens  from  violence,  or  for  supporting 
police,  courts,  or  prisons.  It  might  also  be  thought  that 
the  mails  could  be  carried,  roads  could  be  built,  lighthouses 


42  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

could  be  cared  for,  water  pipes  and  sewers  could  be  laid, 
and  schools  could  be  maintained  by  voluntary  associations 
like  express,  railroad,  water,  and  gas  companies.  There  is 
so  much  that  is  well  done  by  companies  and  also  by  indi- 
viduals, that  some  are  inclined  to  think  that  everything 
might  be  done  without  the  intervention  of  government. 
If  men  were  all  fair  and  wise,  a  community  might  per- 
haps get  on  without  any  government,  as  a  school  in  which 
every  one  was  eager  to  learn  might  have  no  rules. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  those  who  would  like  to 
have  government  assume  the  care  and  direction  of  nearly 
everything,  —  of  the  railroads  and  transportation,  of  the 
mines  and  manufactures,  of  the  distribution  of  food  and 
supplies;  in  fact,  of  all  industry  and  business.  The  gov- 
ernment should  apportion  to  every  one  the  work  for  which 
he  was  fitted,  and  should  assign  to  every  one  his  mainte- 
nance ;  as  in  a  family  the  parents  provide  whatever  each 
child  needs. 

This  plan  also  might  work,  provided  all  men  were  fair 
minded,  and  if  the  wisest  men  were  sure  to  be  made  the 
officers  of  the  government. 

The  fact  that  men  can  hold  two  ideas  as  to  the  purpose 
of  government,  so  far  apart  from  each  other,  seems  to  show 
that  the  best  government  is  that  which  unites  both  ideas  ; 
like  a  well-managed  playground  where,  in  order  to  secure 
the  greatest  liberty  for  every  one  to  enjoy  himself,  all  agree 
to  sacrifice  a  little  of  their  liberty,  to  keep  rules  and 
bounds,  and  to  undertake  some  things,  such  as  the  care 
of  the  ground,  together. 

The  trouble  with  the  plans  of  those  who  would  either 
get  rid  of  government  altogether,  or,  on  the  other  hand, 
expect  the  government  to  do  everything  for  them,  is  that 
the  great  body  of  men  are  not  wise  or  perfectly  fair.     As 


THE  PURPOSE  OF  GOVERNMENT.         43 

in  a  school,  therefore,  not  only  the  general  happiness,  but 
also  kindness  to  the  ignorant  and  vicious,  demands  the 
enforcement  of  order  and  obedience  to  laws.  But  the 
government  is  only  the  whole  people  acting  together,  like 
a  group  of  boys  on  the  playground.  It  can  never  then 
be  trusted  to  be  more  wise  or  just  than. the  people  who 
make  it.  If  the  citizens  are  lazy,  selfish,  or  grasping,  the 
government  which  has  such  persons  behind  it  can  never 
be  just  or  satisfactory. 

Individual  liberty.  —  As  it  is  bad  for  children  to  de- 
pend upon  older  persons  to  help  them  get  their  lessons  or 
do  their  tasks,  so  it  is  bad  for  a  people  to  rely  upon  the 
government  for  what  they  can  do  for  themselves.  We 
know  this,  because  it  has  often  been  tried,  as  when  the 
imperial  government  of  Rome  provided  the  people  with 
corn  and  made  them  beggars  in  consequence.  On  the 
Dther  hand,  when  men  are  at  liberty  to  try  many  experi- 
ments in  their  customs,  in  their  business,  and  in  their 
schools,  and  to  make  improvements  if  possible  ;  when  they 
are  free  to  invent  and  apply  new  methods  and  machinery, 
and  to  make  their  own  discoveries  in  science  ;  when  they 
are  welcome  to  find  fault  if  the  government  becomes  negli- 
gent,—  all  this  stimulates  the  curiosity,  the  inventiveness, 
the  energy,  and  the  quick-wittedness  of  the  people.  Even 
when  individuals  make  mistakes  and  suffer  losses,  it  is 
better  than  the  gigantic  mistakes  and  losses  which  a  gov- 
ernment that  undertakes  to  do  everything  is  liable  to 
make.  For  the  government,  like  an  unwieldy  vessel,  has 
mostly  to  follow  one  fixed  course  i  but  the  individual 
citizens,  being  many,  if  once  they  are  free  to  try  experi- 
ments, find  shorter  and  easier  ways. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  all  the  progress  that  we  know  of  in 
the  world  has  come  about  through  the  thought  and  action 


44  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

of  independent  persons,  like  Galileo,  John  Hampden,  and 
Samuel  Adams,  whom  those  in  charge  of  government  have 
frequently  thwarted  and  opposed.  The  American  way, 
therefore,  is  to  allow  as  much  liberty  as  possible  to  every 
citizen  to  think  and  to  act  for  himself,  because  in  this  way 
the  utmost  energy  is  developed  for  the  good  of  the  whole 
people. 

Two  natural  parties.  — As  we  shall  afterwards  see,  men 
often  divide  into  parties  on  various  subjects.  But  there 
are  two  great  natural  divisions  that  run  among  men  as 
to  the  purpose  of  government.  One  party  always  seek 
to  be  as  free  of  government  as  possible.  They  would 
prefer  the  utmost  individual  liberty  consistent  with  the 
good  of  society.  They  would  have  little  legislating  or  law- 
making ;  they  would  leave  most  kinds  of  work  to  individ- 
ual enterprise.  They  think  that  energy  and  virtue  are 
promoted  by  throwing  all  possible  responsibility  upon  the 
individual  citizen,  and  that  if  he  sometimes  abuses  his 
freedom,  he  will  thus  learn  faster  the  conduct  of  a  true 
and  intelligent  man ;  as  when  a  teacher  trusts  his  scholars 
and  leaves  as  many  questions  as  possible  for  them  to 
decide  or  to  study  out  for  themselves. 

The  other  party  would  like  to  throw  the  responsibility 
from  the  individual  upon  the  government,  which  shall 
accordingly  regulate  the  details  of  conduct ;  as  in  a  school, 
where  every  one's  time  was  provided  for  by  rule  and  each 
was  told  precisely  what  to  do  next.  Thus  it  is  hoped,  at 
some  increased  sacrifice  of  each  citizen's  freedom,  that 
certain  abuses  may  be  corrected  and  protection  secured  in 
favor  of  the  poor,  the  weak,  and  the  ignorant. 

For  example,  one  party  would  prohibit  all  use  of  intoxi- 
cating drinks  throughout  the  country ;  but  the  other  party 
maintains  that  it  is  better  on  the  whole  for  men  to  learn  to 


THE  PURPOSE  OF  GOVERNMENT.         45 

establish  their  own  habits,  than  to  have  even  good  habits 
prescribed  by  the  government.  They  think  that  it  is  bet- 
ter, likewise,  to  allow  each  locality  to  make  its  special  rules 
than  to  establish  rules  for  all  by  a  central  government. 

So  with  the  taxes  or  public  expenses.  One  party  might 
be  willing  to  fix  the  taxes  for  the  whole  country  by  a  great 
system  with  its  central  office  at  Washington.  The  other 
party  would  prefer,  as  far  as  possible,  to  permit  each  town 
or  State  to  le\7'  its  taxes  in  its  own  way.  The  whole 
country  thus  gets  the  benefit  of  any  wise  experiments  that 
may  be  tried  in  any  part  of  it,  but  the  whole  does  not 
suffer  if  a  new  plan  works  ill. 

We  need  now  to  be  told  something  of  the  forms  and 
machinery  of  government,  or  how  it  works. 


46  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN, 


CHAPTER  IX. 

VAEIOTJS   FOEMS   OF   GOVERNMENT. 

Despotism.  —  The  study  of  geography  has  made  us 
acquainted  with  various  forms  of  government  besides  our 
own.  Thus  in  Turkey  the  emperor,  called  the  Sultan,  has 
almost  absolute  power.  He  can  appoint  officers  and  make 
laws  for  his  people,  and  if  he  pleases,  can  make  war  or 
enter  into  treaties  with  foreign  nations.  He  can  also  hand 
down  his  throne  to  his  son  as  successor.  This  is  an  abso- 
lute monarchy  or  despotism.  Similar  authority  is  often 
possessed  by  the  chiefs  of  savage  tribes.  Nevertheless, 
such  a  ruler  cannot  generally  do  exactly  as  he  pleases. 
There  are  old  customs  which  he  has  to  observe.  The 
power  is  only  his  as  his  people  allow  it  to  him.  If  he 
utterly  displeased  them,  or  broke  their  ancient  customs, 
or  quite  failed  to  defend  them  from  their  enemies,  the 
people  might  take  away  his  power ;  or,  as  often  happens, 
some  stronger  or  wiser  man  might  seize  his  throne.  It  has 
sometimes  also  happened  that  such  a  king,  like  Charle- 
magne, has  been  just  and  patriotic,  so  that  his  people  have 
enjoyed  good  government.  But  however  good  and  enlight- 
ened the  absolute  monarch  may  be,  his  people,  not  having 
learned  to  act  for  themselves,  but  expecting  the  king  to 
do  everything  for  them,  are  usually  helpless  in  case  a  weak 
or  bad  king  succeeds  to  the  throne.  Neither  have  they 
learned  to  act  together  in  times  of  public  danger. 

It  is  as  though  a  father,  instead  of  teaching  his  children 


VARIOUS   FORMS   OF   GOVERNMENT.  47 

to  serve  themselves,  had  everything  done  for  them,  so 
that  they  at  last  became  dependent  upon  others.  So 
the  kindest  despotism  hurts  the  people  under  it  by  its 
failure  to  train  them  to  intelligent,  independent,  and  watch- 
ful regard  for  the  interests  of  their  country. 

The  aristocratic  government.  —  In  many  countries  the 
rich  or  the  heads  of  certain  great  families  have  con- 
trived to  get  the  power  into  their  hands  and  to  keep  it, 
without  consulting  the  rest  of  the  people.  Thus  in  nearly 
all  the  great  countries  of  Europe  for  centuries  the  people 
were  never  asked  to  choose  who  should  govern  them  or 
what  laws  they  should  live  under.  Sometimes,  as  in 
Venice,  a  ring  of  rich  merchants  managed  the  affairs  of 
the  city.  More  often,  when  a  king  ruled,  the  nobles  who 
surrounded  him  got  the  great  offices  for  themselves,  so  as 
to  plunder  the  poor,  or  to  have  laws,  such  as  game  and 
land  laws,  made  for  their  own  advantage. 

Ancient  republics.  —  Even  when  the  government  was 
called  a  republic,  as  in  ancient  Athens,  citizenship  did  not 
mean  the  same  that  it  means  with  us ;  for  only  a  limited 
number  of  the  people  could  vote  or  hold  office,  and  the 
great  majority  were  slaves.  So,  too,  foreigners  coming  to 
live  in  such  a  republic  could  hardly  obtain  the  rights 
of  citizens,  for  it  was  imagined  that  the  interests  of  one 
class  of  men,  the  citizens,  were  hostile  to  the  interests  of 
slaves  or  foreigners.  The  latter  were  consequently  treated 
with  suspicion  and  even  injustice. 

Popular  government.  —  In  all  civilized  countries  it  is 
now  held  to  be  unjust  for  one  class  of  men,  merely  because 
they  are  rich,  to  have  authority,  place,  or  office,  or  the 
exclusive  power  to  make  laAvs  for  others  to  obey.  This 
change  from  the  supremacy  of  one,  or  of  a  few,  or  of  a 
class,  to  the  acknowledgment  of  the  equal  rights  of  all. 


48  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

has  come  from  the  idea  that  men  of  every  race  or  language 
are  brothers,  and  that  hence  their  interests  are  common. 
It  is  seen  that  whatever  hurts  or  oppresses  or  degrades  one 
class  of  a  nation  hurts  the  whole  nation,  precisely  as  that 
which  hurts  one  part  of  the  human  body  threatens  the 
health  of  the  whole.  It  has,  therefore,  become  the  custom 
to  make  the  government  rest  upon  tbe  will  of  the  whole 
body  of  citizens,  who  have  to  bear  the  burdens  and  expenses 
of  the  state ;  that  is,  instead  of  treating  a  part  as  citizens 
and  the  rest  of  the  people  as  "  outsiders,"  the  rights  of 
citizens,  under  certain  rules  and  with  some  exceptions,^ 
are  conferred  upon  all. 

In  most  European  countries,  even  though  a  king  or 
emperor  is  at  the  head  of  the  state,  he  is  now  obliged  to 
consult  his  parliament,  that  is,  the  delegates  of  the  people. 
Neither  could  he  long  remain  in  power  unless  the  majority 
of  the  nation  choose  to  keep  him.  The  rules  or  customs 
that  restrain  a  king,  the  nobles,  or  the  rich  from  oppress- 
ing a  people  are  called  the  constitution.  Thus  while  Eng- 
land is  a  monarchy,  it  is  now  a  constitutional  monarchy. 
The  prime  minister,  like  Mr.  Gladstone  or  Lord  Salisbury, 
who  represents  the  majority  in  Parliament,  enjoys  more 
real  power  in  directing  the  government  than  the  king  or 
queen ;  even  the  House  of  Lords  or  nobles  can  do  nothing 
against  the  will  of  the  chosen  representatives,  who  consti- 
tute the  House  of  Commons. 

The  modern  republic.  —  A  republic  may  be  defined,  as 
President  Lincoln  was  fond  of  saying,  as  "a  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  In  this 
sense  all  the  old  world  governments  tend  to  become  repub- 
lican, but  all  republics  are  not  alike.     England,  for  exam- 

1  For  example,  a  citizen  who  has  become  a  criminal  evidently  forfeits  his 
claim  to  be  trusted  with  a  citizen's  duties. 


VARIOUS  FORMS   OF   GOVERNMENT.  49 

pie,  is  substantially  a  republic,  though  without  the  name. 
Mexico,  on  the  contrary,  while  called  a  republic  and  having 
a  president  at  its  head,  is  generally  governed  by  a  ring  of 
rich  men,  who  do  not  really  consult  the  people,  who  on 
their  part  are  unfortunately  too  ignorant  to  concern  them- 
selves about  their  government.  Thus  the  names  and  the 
forms  of  a  republic  do  not  secure  a  true  government  of 
the  people  unless  they  have  the  will  and  intelligence  to 
make  their  forms  real. 

The  French  republic. — France  likewise  is  a  republic^ 
but  not  like  our  own ;  for  during  the  period  that  France 
was  an  absolute  monarchy  it  became  the  custom  for  the 
central  government  to  administer  the  affairs  and  appoint 
the  officers  throughout  the  country,  without  immediately 
consulting  the  people  themselves  or  expecting  them  to  do 
anything  but  obey  and  pay  the  taxes ;  and  so  to  this  day, 
though  the  French  people  may  elect  the  assembly  who 
make  their  laws,  the  central  government  still  undertakes 
much  work  which  in  America  is  left  to  the  States  and 
towns,  or  to  the  people  themselves.  Thus  the  French 
government  pays  the  expenses  of  religion  as  well  as  for 
the  police  of  the  whole  country.  So,  too,  the  French 
government  appoints  many  officers,  as  the  mayors  of  the 
cities,  whom  in  the  United  States  we  choose  directly  our- 
selves. 

A  centralized  government.  —  When  the  general  gov- 
ernment thus  draws  to  itself  under  one  great  system  the 
administration  of  all  parts  of  the  country,  it  is  said  to  be 
centralized.  If  questions  of  local  management  or  local 
expense,  such  as  the  salaries  of  the  mayors,  have  to  be 
referred  for  decision  to  some  office  or  bureau  at  the  capitol, 
it  is  called  a  bureaucracy  ;  that  is,  a  management  through 
officials,  instead  of  management  thi'ough  the  people  of  the 


60  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

city  or  district.  So  far  as  the  people  of  any  town  expect 
the  central  government  to  decide  their  questions  for  them, 
or  to  pay  the  expense  of  their  public  works  out  of  the 
central  treasury,  they  are  in  danger  of  losing  their  sense 
of  responsibility.  They  may  even  permit  lavish  waste  or 
fraud  if  they  do  not  have  to  pay  for  it  directly ;  whereas 
if  the  central  government  is  efficient,  the  people  forget 
that  it  needs  to  be  watched  and  guarded  lest  it  fall  into 
negligence  or  corruption. 

The  American  government,  as  distinguished  from  most 
governments  abroad,  is  one  which  is  designed  to  rest  more 
directly  upon  the  people  themselves.  We  shall  see  that 
the  great  central  administration  only  undertakes  certain 
duties  which  concern  the  whole  nation,  but  other  public 
concerns  are  left  to  the  people  of  each  locality.  The  gov- 
ernment most  nearly  like  our  own  abroad  is  that  of  the 
Swiss. 

The  basis  of  the  American  system.  —  The  old  idea 
was  that  the  people  could  not  be  trusted  to  know  what 
was  good  for  them.  The  American  idea  of  government 
rests  upon  trust  in  the  people.  "While  many  are  ignorant, 
and  many  who  ought  to  know  better  are  selfish,  there 
must  be  danger  in  any  case  ;  but  Americans  hold  that  it  is 
safer  to  intrust  men  with  power  than  to  treat  them  with 
suspicion.  Although  they  may  often  be  wrong  and  may 
make  mistakes,  we  believe  that  they  are  likely,  on  the 
whole  and  in  the  long  run,  to  learn  to  act  wisely  and  with 
justice.  This  is  because  there  is  a  principle  of  fairness  in 
almost  every  man,  which,  if  appealed  to,  makes  him  wish 
to  do  right. 


LOCAL  GOVEENMENT.  51 


CHAPTER  X. 

LOCAL    GOVERNMENT,  OR,  G0VERN:SIENT    BY  THE  PEOPLE 
THEMSELVES. 

We  can  imagine  that  the  people  in  each  village  or  town 
might  look  to  the  great  general  government  to  do  every- 
thing for  them,  —  to  appoint  police  or  constables,  to  buUd 
their  roads,  to  pay  for  their  schools,  and  finally  to  collect 
money  for  the  expenses.  In  such  a  case  there  would  be 
no  local  government,  neither  would  the  people  have  to  meet 
to  discuss  their  affairs.  By  local  government  we  mean  the 
arrangement  which  the  people  of  any  place  make  for  their 
own  order,  peace,  and  convenience.  There  is  an  old  prov- 
erb, "  If  you  wish  anything  done  weU,  see  to  it  yourself." 
This  proverb  contains  the  reason  for  local  government.        v 

The  town  meeting. — It  is  possible  for  the  people  of  a  ) 
small  town  or  community  to  meet  quite  frequently  and  to 
consult  as  to  what  needs  to  be  done  for  the  common  good ; 
as,  for  example,  to  lay  out  a  new  road,  to  build  a  bridge,  or 
to  erect  a  schoolhouse,  as  well  as  to  appoint  proper  officers, 
selectmen,  constables,  the  school  committee,  and  others. 
By  common  agreement  and  ancient  usage,  whatever  rea- 
sonable action  a  majority  of  all  present  at  a  regular  town 
meeting  vote  to  take,  all  must  acquiesce  in.  But  what  if 
the  majority  sometimes  vote  unwisely  ?  It  is  nevertheless 
fairer  for  all,  as  a  rule,  to  acquiesce  for  the  time,  than  it 
would  be  to  quarrel  and  resist  like  so  many  barbarians. 
There  will  soon  be  opportunity  at  another  town  meeting 


62  THE   AJVIEEICAN   CITIZEN. 

for  the  minority  to  persuade  their  fellow-citizens.  Mean- 
while, if  the  minority  quarrelled  and  resisted,  or  refused 
to  pay  their  share  of  the  taxes,  how  could  they  expect  the 
others  to  acquiesce  in  case  they  at  last  obtained  the  major- 
ity ?  "  To  do  as  you  would  wish  that  others  should  do  to 
you,"  therefore,  requires  that  the  minority  shall  not  resist 
the  honest  vote  of  the  majority. 
/  The  origin  of  the  town. — The  town  meeting  is  the 
f  simplest  kind  of  government.  Probably  it  is  the  survival 
of  one  of  the  most  ancient  forms,  when  all  the  free- 
men of  a  clan  or  a  village  of  our  Saxon  or  Aryan  ancestors 
gathered  to  choose  who  should  lead  them  to  battle,  or  to 
say  Yes  or  No  to  the  proposal  to  make  a  foray  against 
another  tribe.  The  idea  of  the  town  was  brought  from 
old  England  by  the  early  settlers  who  sought  in  the  Avil- 
derness  of  New  England  the  freedom  to  govern  them- 
selves. At  first  the  towns  were  scattered,  often  of  large 
extent,  and  of  irregular  area.  As  the  population  grew, 
old  towns  were  subdivided  and  new  towns  were  made  to 
suit  the  convenience  of  their  inhabitants.  As  a  rule  the 
town  area  is  now  five  or  six  miles  square.  The  meeting- 
place,  or  town  hall,  is  near  the  centre  of  the  population,  or 
often  in  the  largest  village  of  the  township.  The  name 
and  idea  of  the  town,  being  found  convenient,  spread  from 
New  England  to  most  of  the  States  where  people  from 
New  England  have  settled. 

The  town  meeting  is  sometimes  called  a  pure  democracy, 
that  is,  government  by  the  people  themselves,  because  all 
have  an  opportunity  to  express  their  opinion,  and  to  vote 
upon  all  matters  of  public  concern.  The  selectmen  and 
other  officers  can  only  do  as  the  people  direct  and  carry  out 
the  people's  votes.  Whatever  officer  disobeys  the  will  of  the 
people  is  liable  to  be  called  to  account  immediately.     The 


LOCAL  GOVERKMENT.  53 

officers  are  also  elected  for  short  terms,  and  are  only  re- 
elected upon  giving  satisfaction  and  commanding  respect. 

The  county.  —  A  group  of  towns  make  a  county.  The 
name  and  the  idea  come  from  old  England,  and  from  the 
time  when  some  great  lord,  an  earl  or  county  had  authority 
over  a  large  district,  often  called  a  shire.  For  the  purpose 
of  justice,  for  maintaining  a  court  and  a  jail  and  providing 
for  public  records,  for  keeping  wills  and  deeds  of  land,  as 
well  as  for  the  great  highways,  it  is  still  convenient  to 
group  towns  into  counties.  In  some  parts  of  the  country, 
however,  especially  in  the  South,  where  the  population  is 
much  scattered,  the  county,  and  not  the  town,  is  the  unit 
of  government. 

The  principal  officers  of  a  New  England  county  are  the 
Sheriff,  who  must  preserve  the  public  order  and  bring 
wrong-doers  to  justice,  and  who  may,  in  case  of  serious 
disturbance  like  a  riot,  call  upon  the  governor  of  the 
State  to  send  troops  to  help  him;  the  Commissioners, 
who  look  after  the  property  of  the  county,  its  buildings, 
and  its  highways  ;  the  Treasurer ;  the  Register  of  Deeds, 
whose  books  show  to  whom  all  the  lands  in  the  county 
belong,  and  whenever  any  land  changes  hands ;  and  the 
Clerk,  who  keeps  the  records  of  the  courts.  These  officers 
are  chosen  directly  by  the  people.  The  towns  contribute 
their  share  to  the  county  expenses,  according  to  the 
amount  of  property  in  each  town.  The  public  buildings 
for  the  use  of  the  county  are  in  the  shire  town. 

In  the  Southern  and  some  of  the  Western  States,  where 
there  is  no  real  town  government,  the  county  officers,  viz., 
the  Board  of  Commissioners  or  Supervisors,  have  charge  of 
the  business  which  in  towns  is  managed  by  the  selectmen. 

Since  the  different  States  use  several  different  systems 
of  local  government,  it  is  possible  to  compare  them  and  to 


54  THE  AilERICAN  CITIZEN. 

find  out  whether  the  township  or  the  county  plan  works 
best.  It  will  be  seen  that  local  government  cannot  be  as 
direct  in  the  county  as  in  the  town.  For  on  account  of 
the  greater  size  of  the  county,  citizens  cannot  conveniently 
meet  to  discuss  and  to  do  the  county  business.  Neither 
can  they  know  each  other  as  well  as  the  men  who  live  in  a 
town.  Since,  then,  they  must  leave  more  of  their  business 
to  their  officers,  they  cannot  feel  as  much  responsibility 
for  good  government  as  under  the  township  plan.  It  is 
easier,  too,  for  a  few  persons  to  get  and  keep  the  power 
and  the  offices,  while  the  larger  number  stay  at  home  and 
lose  their  interest.  When  men  stop  discussing  their  affairs 
and  leave  them  to  others,  they  soon  become  very  unskilful. 
It  appears,  then,  that  the  township  plan  is  likely  to  be  the  fav- 
orite one.     It  is  coming  into  use  in  many  of  the  new  States. 

The  school  district.  —  The  towns  or  the  counties  are 
subdivided  into  school  districts,  where  people  meet  to  con- 
sult and  make  necessary  arrangements  for  the  care  of  the 
schools.  The'  district  meeting  is  a  sort  of  training-school 
in  politics.  For  when  neighbors  meet  to  consult  for  the 
interests  of  their  district,  they  are  apt  to  consult  also  about 
town  affairs  and  to  observe  what  needs  to  be  done. 

Local  patriotism.  —  We  may  suppose  that  the  people 
of  a  town  were  resolved  to  make  their  town  excel,  to  main- 
tain the  best  roads  and  schools,  to  beautify  their  streets 
with  trees,  to  prevent  disorder,  to  secure  efficient  and  hon- 
est service,  and  therefore  to  trust  only  their  best  men  with 
office.  This  would  be  local  patriotism.  The  more  such 
towns  there  were,  the  better  it  would  be  for  the  State 
and  the  nation.  We  may  suppose  that  the  children  were 
brought  up  like  the  children  of  the  early  Athenians,  to  be 
loyal  to  their  native  town  and  to  help  make  it  excel. 
They  would  be  sure  to  be  good  citizens  wherever  they 
might  afterwards  live. 


THE  STATES,   AKD  LEGISLATIVE  GOVERNMENT.        55 


CHAPTER   XI. 

THE  STATES,   AND   LEGISLATIVE  GOVERNMENT. 

States.  —  In  the  old  days  families  joined  into  clans,  and 
clans  made  up  tribes,  and  finally  tribes  of  kindred  people 
were  united  for  common  defence  into  kingdoms  and  na- 
tions. So,  somewhat  after  the  old  model,  we  have  town- 
ships forming  counties,  and  counties  making  States. 

The  sovereignty  of  the  State.  —  Each  State  in  some 
respects  is  like  a  separate  nation.  Thus,  it  can  make  laws 
for  its  people  as  though  it  were  quite  independent.  The 
laws  may  differ  from  the  laws  of  the  adjoining  State.  It 
can  make  new  towns  and  counties,  and  change  the  old 
towns.  It  can  lay  down  the  rules  for  local  government,  or 
alter  them.  The  towns  and  cities  get  all  their  authority 
from  the  State.  The  State  can  also  have  a  military  force, 
its  militia^  for  preserving  order.  And  it  provides  courts 
and  police  for  enforcing  its  laws. 

Eminent  domain.  —  The  State  has  also  the  same  right 
over  the  land  as  once  belonged  to  a  whole  tribe  or  to  a  king. 
It  can,  therefore,  take  the  land  of  any  citizen  in  case  it  is 
needed  for  a  public  purpose,  as  for  a  railroad.  This  impor- 
tant right  is  called  eminent  domaim  It  would  not  be  fair, 
however,  for  the  State  to  exercise  this  right  to  take  away 
property  without  compensation. 

Why  we  have  States.  —  A  foreigner  might  wonder  why 
we  need  to  have  States  with  many  costly  governments  and 
different  laws.     Why  would  not  one  great  State  be  enough, 


56  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

like  France  ?  The  foreigner  would  also  say  that  the  map 
of  our  States  looks  like  a  checker-board,  as  if  they  had 
been  made  to  order ;  unlike  the  states  of  the  Old  World, 
with  their  irregular  boundaries,  which  grew  through  many 
centuries  of  change. 

The  answer  is  partly  that  the  States  are  for  the  sake  of 
convenience,  in  order  not  to  load  the  great  general  govern- 
ment with  too  many  duties.  It  would  be  cumbersome 
whenever  the  people  in  Chicago  wanted  to  try  the  experi- 
ment of  a  new  law  to  manage  their  city,  to  have  to  go  to 
Washington  to  get  permission,  as  it  is  now  very  vexa- 
tious for  the  British  Parliament  to  be  obliged  to  govern 
Ireland. 

The  old  States.  —  The  chief  reason,  however,  why  we 
have  States,  is  because  our  forefathers  settled  this  country 
in  separate  colonies  and  with  different  customs. 

At  the  time  when  our  forefathers  asserted  their  inde- 
pendence from  Great  Britain,  the  thirteen  separate  colonies 
had  each  a  government  of  its  own,  —  a  governor  appointed 
by  the  king  and  an  assembly  or  legislature  chosen  by  the 
people  of  the  colony.  The  people  of  a  colony  were  not 
quite  free  to  do  as  they  pleased  ;  for  the  royal  governor 
might  veto  or  forbid  what  the  legislature  voted.  The  gov- 
ernments of  the  colonies  were  also  based  upon  charters  or 
constitutions  made  for  them  in  England,  and  which  re- 
quired them  to  act  in  obedience  to  the  laws  and  govern- 
ment of  Great  Britain.  Thus  the  British  Parliament  could 
make  laws  which  might  seriously  affect  the  interests  of 
the  colonies,  while  the  colonies  had  no  delegates  or  repre- 
sentatives in  Parliament  to  defend  their  rights  ;  somewhat 
as  the  Dominion  of  Canada  has  no  members  of  the  Parlia- 
ment in  London.  At  the  War  of  Independence,  the  colo- 
nies  took  the  sovereignty,  which  had  before  been  vested 


THE  STATES,   AND  LEGISLATIVE  GOVERNMENT.        57 

in  the  crown,  into  their  own  hands  and  became  indepen- 
dent States;  henceforth  they  each  chose  their  governors 
themselves,  who  thus  represented  the  will  of  the  people. 
Instead  of  the  royal  charter,  they  made  their  own  constitu- 
tions. There  was,  indeed,  a  period  before  1789  when  any 
State,  as  Massachusetts  or  South  Carolina,  had  the  right  to 
establish  a  custom  house,  and  to  exclude  goods  from  other 
States  and  hinder  trade,  and  when  it  would  have  been 
possible  for  the  different  States  to  become  quite  separate 
from  each  other. 

New  States.  —  After  the  Federal  Union  was  estab- 
lished, as  the  country  filled  up  with  people,  new  States 
were  settled  in  what  had  before  been  the  wilderness. 
Florida  was  bought  of  Spain.  The  vast  region  known  as 
the  Louisiana  Purchase,  comprising  the  Mississippi  Valley 
and  the  Great  Northwest,  was  bought  of  Napoleon,  and 
later  Texas,  and  a  great  portion  of  what  had  belonged  to 
Mexico,  including  California,  were  added,  by  conquest  and 
treaty,  to  the  national  domain.  From  time  to  time  the 
new  lands  were  made  into  divisions  called  Territories,  with 
a  temporary  government,  somewhat  like  the  old  colonies  ; 
and  again,  when  the  Territories  grew  populous,  they  became 
States,  after  the  model  of  the  original  thirteen  States. 

Representative  government.  —  It  would  of  course  be 
impossible  for  all  the  people  of  a  State  to  come  together, 
as  in  a  town  meeting,  to  consult  or  to  make  laws.  They 
therefore  choose  their  representatives  at  regular  intervals, 
—  in  some  States  every  year,  in  others  once  in  two  years,  — 
to  meet  and  discuss  the  business  of  the  State.  This  is  the 
legislature.  Since  the  members  have  to  give  up  consider- 
able time  and  go  to  certain  expense,  it  is  thought  fair 
to  make  them  reasonable  compensation.  Thus  the  State 
claims  the  right  to  their  faithful  and  disinterested  service. 


58  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

This  makes  it  also  possible  for  poor  men  as  well  as  the  rich 
to  serve  the  State. 

The  beginning  of  legislatures.  —  It  seems  only  just 
that  the  persons  in  charge  of  government  should  have 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  people  who  must  pay  the 
expenses.  But  reasonable  as  this  appears,  it  was  not 
acknowledged  in  the  fierce  old  times  when  "  might  made 
right."  The  famous  story  of  King  John  and  Magna  Charta 
shows  how  hard  it  was  for  free  men  to  win  their  rights. 

Representative  government  and  its  methods  have  been 
slowly  worked  out  by  the  bloody  and  glorious  experiments 
of  our  fathers  in  old  England  through  many  centuries. 
For  when  the  kings  needed  money  and  soldiers,  they  were 
accustomed  to  gather  the  leading  men  from  all  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  including  the  great  merchants  of  London  and 
other  towns.     This  was  the  beginning  of  Parliament. 

How  Parliament  got  power  away  from  the  king. — 
Although  the  king  or  his  minister  could  propose  any  plans, 
such  as  a  campaign  against  France,  it  was  held  necessary, 
after  Magna  Charta  was  granted,  to  have  the  consent  of  a 
majority  of  the  Parliament,  in  order  to  provide  the  necessary 
means  ;  and  since  the  king  often  wanted  money,  he  was 
forced  as  often  to  summon  his  Parliament  and  ask  its  con- 
sent to  levy  the  taxes.  So  it  came  to  pass  that  bargains 
were  made  with  the  king,  that  if  he  would  give  Parliament 
what  they  wanted,  if  he  would  reform  certain  abuses  or 
dismiss  bad  ministers,  they  in  turn  would  grant  his  re- 
quests for  money.  Thus,  while  once  the  king  used  to 
propose  and  command,  and  the  Parliament  at  most  could 
only  refuse  to  pay  money  to  help  him,  now  at  last  it  has 
come  to  be  the  Parliament  that  proposes  plans  or  makes 
laws,  which  the  king  or  queen  can  hardly  venture  to  veto 
or  forbid.     And  whereas  once  the  ministers  and  great  offi- 


THE  STATES,   AND  LEGISLATIVE  GOVERNMENT.        59 

cers  were  often  made  by  the  king's  appointment,  now  they 
are  practically  the  choice  of  the  majority  of  Parliament. 
The  Parliament,  in  the  name  of  the  people,  has  assumed 
not  only  the  power  to  make  laws,  but  also  to  carry  out  the 
laws. 

American  parliaments.  —  All  our  legislatures,  includ- 
ing the  National  Congress,  follow  the  model  of  Parliament. 
In  old  times,  however,  the  rich  and  powerful  came  to  Par- 
liament, and  the  poor  were  not  represented  ;  but  our  legis- 
latures are  chosen  by  all  the  people.  The  legislature  is 
thus  a  great  town  meeting  made  up,  indeed,  not  of  all  the 
people,  but  of  delegates  or  messengers  whom  their  fellow- 
citizens  have  chosen  to  consult  and  to  vote  for  them,  and 
whom  they  pay  for  their  services.  Whatever,  therefore, 
the  legislature  decides  to  do,  all  the  people  must  acquiesce 
in;  or,  if  they  do  not  like  the  action  of  their  represen- 
tatives, they  must  wait  till  the  next  election,  and  then 
choose  different  men,  who  may  act  more  wisely. 

The  legislature  and  the  people.  —  It  is  also  possible, 
in  some  cases,  if  the  legislature  do  not  wish  to  take  the 
responsibility  of  any  action,  to  refer  it  back  to  the  people, 
who  shall  vote  Yes  or  N^o.  Thus  laws  to  forbid  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors  are  sometimes  referred  to  the  people 
either  of  the  whole  State,  or,  by  local  option,  to  the  people 
of  each  city  or  town.  As  we  have  seen,  each  State  has 
what  is  called  a  constitution,  that  is,  a  fixed  body  of  rules 
for  its  government.  This  constitution  binds  and  limits 
the  legislature.  Sometimes,  especially  in  the  new  States, 
the  constitution  is  very  long,  almost  like  a  law-book,  as 
though  the  people  did  not  dare  to  trust  their  legislature  to 
take  important  action  without  consulting  them.  For  no 
change  can  be  made  in  the  constitution  without  a  direct 
vote  of  all  the  people  of  the  State,  who,  meeting  in  their 


60  THE  AMERICA]^   CIl?lZEIf. 

accustomed  voting-places,  must  say  Yes  or  iVb  to  the  pro- 
posed change.  Sometimes,  in  order  to  make  hasty  changes 
difficult,  the  law  requires  as  many  as  two-thirds  of  the 
votes  before  the  change  can  be  allowed. 

Thus,  although  the  legislature  has  many  powers  such  as 
kings  once  wielded,  yet  it  is  always  held  close  to  the  will 
of  the  people.  Even  if  it  passes  acts  which  the  people 
would  disapprove,  it  is  liable  to  have  such  acts  soon 
reversed  by  a  new  legislature,  or  by  a  direct  appeal  to  the 
people  to  change  the  constitution. 

The  English  way.  —  So  in  England,  if  the  Ministry,  that 
is,  the  great  officers  who  conduct  the  government,  happen 
to  propose  measures  which  the  Parliament  disapprove, 
they  must  either  give  place  to  new  ministers,  or  else,  if 
they  wish  to  insist  on  their  own  way,  they  can  dissolve 
Parliament,  which  otherwise  might  hold  through  a  term  of 
seven  years.  They  must  then  order  a  new  election,  to 
determine  whether  the  people  will  vote  for  members  favor- 
able to  their  plans ;  but  if  the  new  Parliament  still  disap- 
proves of  their  conduct,  they  must  resign.  In  Switzerland, 
also,  the  laws  require  many  subjects  to  be  referred  to  the 
people  directly,  instead  of  trusting  the  legislature. 

The  two  houses  of  the  legislature. — As  long  as 
mankind  was  divided  into  two  classes  of  people,  Lords 
and  Commons,  the  Parliament  was  divided  also  into  an 
upper  house  where  the  nobles  sat,  and  a  lower  house 
where  were  the  representatives  of  all  the  rich  people  who 
were  not  noble  ;  but  though  we  have  no  longer  two  classes 
or  castes  of  people  in  America,  we  still  retain  in  our  leg- 
islatures this  old  division  of  an  upper  house,  commonly 
called  the  Senate,  and  a  lower  and  larger  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives. We  do  this  partly  from  the  force  of  ancient 
custom,  but  also  because  many  think  that  subjects  receive 


THE   STATES,   AND  LEGISLATIVE   GOVERNMENT.        61 

more  careful  consideration  from  the  necessity  of  being 
discussed  and  voted  upon  by  two  different  bodies,  before 
any  law  can  be  finally  passed.  The  Senate,  or  upper 
house,  is  generally  much  smaller  than  the  other  body. 
Thus  there  may  be  one  or  even  more  representatives  from 
a  town,  but  often  several  towns  may  be  required  to  form 
a  district  to  choose  a  senator.  The  legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts, for  example,  has  forty  members  in  the  Senate 
and  two  hundred  and  forty  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives. 

The  duties  of  legislators.  —  There  are  two  different 
ideas  of  the  duty  of  members  of  a  legislature.  Some 
think  that  they  are  strictly  bound  to  do  whatever  the 
majority  of  their  constituents  wish.  According  to  this 
view,  a  member  of  the  legislature  ought  to  vote  against 
his  own  judgment,  if  he  believed  that  the  people  who 
elected  him  so  desired.  If  he  cannot  conscientiously  do 
this,  he  ought  to  resign  and  let  some  one  be  chosen  who 
would  vote  as  the  people  wish. 

Others  hold  that  a  legislator  ought  to  be  trusted  to  act 
freely,  according  to  his  best  judgment  of  the  interests  of 
the  people.  He  may  thus  sometimes  be  obliged  to  vote 
against  his  party  or  to  take  the  unpopular  side.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  it  would  be  of  little  use  to  elect  wise  and  con- 
scientious legislators  unless  the  people  are  willing  to  trust 
them. 

State  rights  and  State  jealousy.  —  In  the  earlier 
days  of  the  Republic  the  people  of  one  State  were  often 
afraid  and  jealous  of  the  people  of  other  States,  somewhat 
as  in  the  ancient  history  of  Greece  the  people  of  Sparta 
were  jealous  of  Athens.  It  was  feared  that  the  strong  and 
populous  States  might  contrive  to  make  laws  to  hurt  the 
weaker   States.      The   smaller  States,   as   Delaware   and 


62  THE  AJSIERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Rhode  Island,  would  not  come  into  the  Union  at  all  -with- 
out being  given  the  same  number  of  senators  in  Congress 
as  New  York  and  Pennsylvania.  The  Southern  States 
especially,  where  slaves  were  still  held,  were  anxious  not 
to  be  meddled  with.  When  men  become  suspicious  of 
each  other,  they  are  apt  to  think  more  of  their  rights  than 
their  duties.  So  it  was  with  the  States.  Many  persons 
thought  that  a  citizen  owed  his  duty  to  his  State  first  and 
the  Union  afterwards  ;  they  cared  more  for  the  state  flag 
than  the  national  flag. 

Our  people,  however,  have  learned  that  whatever  is 
good  for  one  State  is  good  for  the  others.  If  the  people 
of  Alabama  are  poor,  it  is  so  much  the  worse  for  New 
York.  As  in  a  football  team,  the  strength  and  skill  of 
each  member  are  necessary  to  win  the  game. 

State  patriotism. — If  any  State  has  had  a  memorable 
history,  as  Virginia  or  Massachusetts,  if  it  has  produced 
great  men,  if  it  has  established  good  laws,  and  secured  the 
freedom  and  happiness  of  the  people,  they  naturally  take  a 
generous  pride  in  their  State. 

By  as  much  as  it  has  made  them  happy,  they  are  bound 
to  do  their  loyal  part  to  maintain  its  good  laws  and  its 
prosperity.  This  is  state  patriotism,  and  like  local  patri- 
otism, the  more  citizens  possess  it,  the  better  for  the  whole 
country.  Thus  one  can  be  a  good  patriot  to  his  own  State, 
and  be  glad  also  to  see  other  States  flourish. 


THE  PEOPLE  ACTING  IK  CONGRESS.  63 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE  PEOPLE  ACTING  IN   CONGRESS. 

The  American  idea.  —  The  American  idea  of  govern- 
ment is  that  the  people  shall  hold  the  reins  of  power,  so 
far  as  possible,  in  their  own  hands ;  that  they  themselves 
shall  be  responsible  for  their  own  error  if  ever  they  choose 
unworthy  or  incapable  public  servants;  and  that  hence 
they  must  not  turn  over  to  others  to  do  or  to  determine 
what  they  can  do  themselves.  Thus  the  people  of  a  town 
or  city  must  not  look  to  the  legislature  to  build  their 
roads  or  choose  their  school  committee  or  provide  water 
and  light ;  but  the  people  of  each  town  must  provide  for 
their  own  local  needs,  or  suffer  the  consequences  of  their 
neglect.  So,  too,  each  State,  through  its  legislature,  must 
consult  and  act  in  matters  that  touch  the  interests  of  all 
parts  of  the  State,  without  expecting  the  nation  to  interfere 
to  save  the  people  of  the  State  from  the  results  of  their 
mistakes  or  their  negligence.  The  people  of  the  State 
must  be  responsible  for  their  own  school  system  and  for 
good  order  within  their  borders,  and  therefore  for  proper 
laws  ;  but  they  should  not  without  extraordinary  reasons 
look  to  the  government  at  Washington  to  vote  money  for 
their  education  or  to  provide  national  troops  to  enforce 
the  laws  of  the  State.  The  American  plan  therefore  is, 
that  we  leave  as  much  as  we  can  to  the  honor  and  patri- 
otism of  the  people  of  each  town  or  State. 

General  government.  —  There  are,  however,  as  we  have 
seen,  many  subjects  which  rest  upon  all  the  people  of  a 


64  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

State  together.  No  town  or  city  must  be  suffered  to  do 
anything  to  the  detriment  of  the  health  or  the  welfare  of 
the  people  of  other  towns.  Every  town,  therefore,  must 
obey  the  laws  of  the  State.  Even  if  the  laws  do  not  seem 
wise  for  every  town,  its  people  must  acquiesce  till  they  can 
persuade  the  legislature  to  change  the  law.  As  each  citizen 
must  acquiesce  in  what  the  town  meeting  does,  and  pay  his 
share  of  the  expenses  of  his  town  accordingly,  so  the  town 
or  county  must  yield  to  the  greater  meeting  of  the  State, 
that  is,  the  legislature.  So,  too,  between  the  State  and 
the  nation  there  are  many  subjects  of  common  or  general 
interest,  for  which,  therefore,  all  the  people  in  the  United 
States  are  equally  responsible.  These  subjects  make  the 
basis  of  our  General  or  National  Government.  As  a  club 
of  boys  may  have  their  own  rules  and  officers  and  do  what 
they  please  with  their  funds,  but  when  many  clubs  are 
accustomed  to  play  a  common  game,  as  base-ball,  it  becomes 
convenient  to  agree  upon  certain  rules  which  all  the 
clubs  shall  keep,  so  with  the  vast  interests  of  millions  of 
people. 

The  servants  of  the  people.  —  When  the  government 
becomes  general,  it  is  not  the  less  in  the  hands  of  the 
people.  The  people  cannot,  however,  meet  to  hear  and 
discuss  the  numerous  questions  that  arise.  They  must,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  state  legislature,  choose  men  who  shall 
give  their  time  and  attention  to  advise  and  act  for  them. 
These  chosen  men  are  accordingly  paid  a  generous  salary,^ 
that  they  may  be  free  to  give  up  their  private  business  and 
devote  themselves  to  the  public  good.  Their  time  and 
ability  are  thus  in  a  special  sense  at  the  public  service. 

1  In  England,  where  the  Parliament  has  usually  consisted  of  rich  men, 
no  salary  is  paid  its  members,  but  the  United  States  makes  it  possible  for 
a  poor  man  to  serve  the  public  in  Congress. 


THE  PEOPLE  ACTING  LN   CONGRESS.  65 

The  responsibility  does  not,  however,  cease  to  rest  with  the 
people,  neither  have  they  abandoned  their  power  by  choos- 
ing representatives  to  act  for  them.  They  must  still  watch 
their  representatives ;  and  if  these  fail  to  act  wisely,  they 
must  send  abler  or  more  honest  men  in  their  place. 
Thus  the  power  always  rests  with  the  people,  who  are 
themselves  to  blame  if  their  national  government  is  foolish 
or  corrupt.  If  the  government  is  extravagant,  it  must  be 
because  the  people  have  chosen  unfaithful  servants ;  or  if 
the  government  involved  the  nation  in  war,  it  would  be 
because  the  people  had  chosen  men  who  would  vote  for 
war  in  their  name. 

Congress.  —  The  national  Congress  may  be  called  the 
great  "  town  meeting  "  for  the  country,  or  the  legislature 
for  all  the  States.  Here,  however,  each  member  represents 
many  thousands,  or  in  the  case  of  the  senators  of  populous 
States,  millions  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

The  beginning  of  Congress.  —  While  the  colonies  were 
fighting  with  Great  Britain  they  had  a  kind  of  union 
among  themselves  and  a  congress  to  act  for  them.  This 
union  was  called  a  confederation ;  but  it  had  no  power  to 
raise  troops  or  money,  unless  the  States  chose  to  heed  its 
request.  Its  president  was  merely  the  chairman  of  its 
meetings  ;  and  it  had  no  courts  to  settle  disputes  between 
the  citizens  of  different  States.  However  many  delegates 
were  present  from  a  State  in  the  old  Continental  Congress, 
they  could  cast  but  one  vote.  The  smallest  State  had 
therefore  as  much  power  in  deciding  questions  as  the  large 
States.  The  confederation  was  not,  therefore,  very  strong, 
and  the  States  repeatedly  refused  to  do  what  Congress 
asked. 

The  Federal  Union.  —  For  a  little  while  after  the  War 
of  Independence,  the  States  tried  the  experiment  of  acting 


66  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

almost  independently  of  each  other.  It  j)roved  a  bad  and 
dangerous  experiment.  New  York  might  make  laws  to 
hurt  or  to  tax  the  commerce  of  the  people  of  New  Jersey 
or  Connecticut.  There  was  no  sure  way  to  provide  for  the 
common  good  or  the  defence  of  the  States.  There  Avas  no 
treasury  with  money  in  it,  or  the  means  to  secure  money, 
to  provide  for  the  large  debt  which  the  Confederacy  had 
borrowed  to  carry  on  the  war.  A  convention  was  therefore 
called,  which  met  in  Philadelphia  in  1787.  It  included 
our  greatest  men,  —  Washington,  Franklin,  Hamilton,  and 
Madison.  It  finally  worked  out  the  plan  for  our  present 
Union,  and  recommended  it  to  the  people.  According 
to  the  new  plan  the  States  agreed,  by  the  vote  of  their 
people,  to  give  up  some  of  their  independence,  and  to  com- 
mit to  Congress  the  charge  of  matters  which  concern  all 
the  people  of  the  nation.  No  State  now  could  do  anything 
to  injure  the  people  of  another  State.  No  State  could 
erect  custom-houses  on  its  boundaries  to  collect  taxes  from 
the  commerce  of  the  other  States.  The  new  Union  could 
have  a  treasury  and  courts  with  the  necessary  authority 
to  command  obedience.  No  State  could  justly  resist  the 
authority  of  the  general  government;  neither  could  any 
State  withdraw  from  the  others  and  set  up  an  independent 
government.  Since  permanent  union  proved  to  be  for  the 
general  good,  it  was  not  only  unfair  for  any  State  selfishly 
to  threaten  the  good  of  all  by  withdrawal  from  the  Union, 
but  the  State  which  cut  itself  off  from  the  rest  would  be 
likely  to  suffer  in  the  long  run. 

What  now,  if  Congress,  which  represents  all  the  nation, 
is  unwise  and  passes  laws  that  seem  to  hurt  any  part  of 
the  people  ?  The  remedy  is  to  send  wiser  and  better  dele- 
gates, or  to  persuade  the  mistaken  majority ;  because  it  is 
a  harm  only  to  the  few  to  acquiesce  for  the  time  in  what 


THE  PEOPLE  ACTING  IN  CONGRESS.  6' 

the  majority  have  unwisely  decreed,  whereas  it  would  in- 
jure every  one  if  any  portion  of  the  nation  were  to  resist 
or  break  up  the  government.  This  was  abundantly  dem- 
onstrated in  the  Civil  War.  ^ 

How  Congress  is  made  up.  The  Senate. — Every  \ 
State,  however  small,  is  entitled  to  choose  two  senators,  ) 
who  are  elected  by  its  legislature  to  serve  for  a  term  of  six 
years.  One  third  of  the  Senate  are  elected  every  two 
years,  so  that  the  senators'  terms  overlap  each  other.  It  is 
never  possible,  therefore,  as  it  might  be  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  to  have  a  Senate  of  wholly  new  members. 
The  senators  are  supposed  to  be  the  representatives  of  all 
the  people  of  a  State.  If  any  bill  or  proposal  for  a  law 
is  passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives,  it  must  then 
obtain  a  majority  in  the  Senate.  So,  likewise,  the  bills 
which  are  passed  by  the  Senate  must  obtain  the  consent 
of  the  House.  The  Senate  has  the  sole  power  with  the 
President  to  make  treaties  with  foreign  nations.  It  may 
act  as  a  court  to  try  an  officer,  as  for  example  the  Pres- 
ident, accused  by  vote  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of 
criminal  abuse  of  his  office.  It  also  can  confirm  or  reject 
the  appointment  of  certain  important  officials,  such  as 
judges  and  custom-house  collectors,  made  by  the  Presi- 
dent. It  is  thus  intended  to  serve  as  a  check  upon  a 
hasty  or  wrong-headed  President,  who  could  do  little  harm 
against  the  will  of  the  representatives  of  the  people  of  the 
States.  The  Vice-President  regularly  presides  over  the 
Senate,  without  having  a  vote,  unless  there  is  a  tie,  that  is, 
an  equal  vote  on  each  side. 

The  House  of  Representatives.  — Every  State,  however 
gmall,  has  at  least   one  representative  in  Congress.     The  / 
number  of  representatives  which  a  State  may  send  depends  \ 
Upon  its  population.     The  House  of  Representatives  num- 


68  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

bers  over  three  hundred  members,  —  a  body  somewhat 
large  and  awkward  for  the  purpose  of  deliberation.  The 
Speaker,  chosen  by  the  representatives,  and  usually  from 
the  political  party  which  has  the  majority  of  congressmen, 
presides  over*he  House.  The  House  is  chosen  every  two 
years,  and  directly  by  a  vote  of  the  people  by  districts. 
Since  the  senators  are  chosen  for  a  longer  term,  and  by  the 
legislature  of  each  State,  it  may  happen  that  the  majority 
of  one  body  differs  from  the  majority  of  the  other.  The 
House  is  supposed  to  represent  the  newest  and  freshest 
thought  of  the  people,  while  the  Senate  represents  the 
caution  of  the  nation,  which  would  hold  the  government 
back  from  hasty  action. 

The  Territories  in  Congress.  — A  Territory  may  appoint 
a  delegate  who  can  speak  on  the  floor  of  Congress,  but  may 
not  vote.  Congress  passes  laws  for  the  Territories,  and 
establishes  courts  until  they  are  admitted  as  States,  with 
constitutions  of  their  own.  The  District  of  Columbia 
is  governed  by  Congress  like  a  Territory.  The  people  of 
the  Territories  cannot  take  part  in  national  elections.  In 
the  case  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  which  can  never  be- 
come a  State,  this  disfranchisement  of  its  population 
seems  to  be  a  needless  hardship. 

Congressional  districts.  —  The  representatives  are  gen- 
erally elected  b}''  districts,  which  must  contain  an  equal 
population.  The  number  of  districts  in  a  State  is  liable 
to  be  altered  once  in  ten  years  after  the  census  is  taken. 
If  the  new  States  gain  rapidly  in  numbers,  while  older 
States  hardly  gain  at  all,  the  latter  may  lose  in  congress- 
men. For  the  House  of  Representatives  is  large  enough 
already,  while  the  population  of  the  country  is  increas- 
ing. It  is  therefore  necessary  to  assign  a  larger  number 
of  people  to  each  congressional  district.     At  first  thirty 


THE   PEOPLE   ACTING  IN   CONGRESS.  69 

thousand  made  a  district.  Now  more  than  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  are  required.  There  are  States  which 
have  not  so  large  a  population  as  this,  and  which  therefore 
have  more  than  their  due  share  of  weight  in  Congress. 

The  representative  usually  resides  in  his  district,  but 
thefe  is  no  law  to  prevent  the  people  from  choosing  an  able 
man  from  another  part  of  the  State. 

Gerrymandering.  —  It  is  possible  for  the  party  which 
has  the  majority  in  a  State  to  lay  out  the  congressional 
district  in  such  a  way  that  the  people  of  the  opposite 
party  shall  not  have  the  natural  advantage  of  their  num- 
bers. If,  for  example,  the  opposite  party  would  naturally 
carry  three  districts  of  a  State,  the  division  can  be  so  made 
that  the  great  bulk  of  its  voters  shall  be  thrown  into  two 
districts,  or  only  one.  Thus  a  district  has  been  known  as 
the  "  Shoe-string  district,"  from  its  artificial  shape.  i 

It  is  not  only  Avrong  but  foolish  for  a  party  to  do  what  ' 
it  would  call  unjust,  in  case  the  other  party  should  come 
into  power  and  attempt  to  do  the  same.  For  the  same 
rule  holds  between  parties  as  between  men;  namely,  to 
treat  each  other  as  they  would  each  wish  to  be  treated. 
Otherwise  injustice  or  fraud  has  to  be  paid  for,  sooner  or 
later,  with  interest. 

The  powers  of  Congress.  —  The  chief  power  of  Con- 
gress is  in  laying  taxes  and  spending  money.  The  revenue 
of  the  United  States  amounts  to  upwards  of  four  hundred 
millions  of  dollars.  The  method  of  raising  this  great -i 
sum  rests  with  Congress,  which  by  wisdom  and  fairness  | 
may  distribute  the  burden  equally,  or  for  want  of  due 
care  or  honesty  may  annoy  and  oppress  the  people,  out 
of  whose  labor  the  national  expenses  must  be  paid.  A 
considerable  part  of  the  annual  taxation  has  to  be  paid  as 
interest  upon  the  national  debt,  incurred  in  the  Civil  War. 


70  THE   AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

Another  enormous  sum  goes  in  the  form  of  pensions,  on 
account  of  wounded  or  disabled  soldiers.  Many  millions 
are  appropriated  for  the  army  and  navy.  Thus  by  far  the 
largest  part  of  the  taxation  is  the  cost  of  strife. 

In  all  the  appropriations,  especially  for  improving  har- 
bors and  the  navigation  of  rivers,  and  for  governnient 
buildings,  such  as  post-offices  and  custom-houses,  there  is 
opportunity  for  lavish  waste  of  the  public  money.  Unless, 
then,  the  people  send  conscientious  representatives  to  vote 
upon  the  expenditures,  they  must  expect  to  pay  heavy 
taxes. 

Congress  has  power  to  pass  important  acts  concerning 
the  Territories  and  the  great  public  lands ;  concerning  the 
i-ailways  which  pass  from  one  State  to  another,  and  affect- 
ing the  value  of  their  property ;  concerning  trade  and 
intci-course  with  foreign  nations,  either  to  encourage  or 
discourage  trade,  travel,  and  immigration.  In  all  these 
ways,  great  interests  and  the  rights  of  individuals  are 
jeopardized  by  foolish,  partisan,  or  dishonest  congressmen. 

Congress  passes  laws  touching  the  Indians  and  votes  the 
supplies  of  food,  blankets,  tools,  and  farming  implements 
required  by  various  treaties  as  well  as  the  means  for  estab- 
lishing and  maintaining  schools  to  educate  and  civilize 
them.  Negligence  or  dilatory  action  in  these  votes  may 
easily  provoke  trouble  and  war. 

Congress  has  also  the  responsibility  of  sustaining  and  im- 
proving the  service  of  government,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
post-office,  the  lighthouses,  and  the  life-saving  stations. 

There  are  important  subjects  where  the  powers  of  Con- 
gress lie  close  to  the  rights  reserved  to  the  States,  so  that 
great  wisdom  may  be  required  not  to  involve  the  general 
government  in  a  quarrel  with  the  people  of  a  State.  Thus, 
the  Congress  may  pass  acts  in  regard  to  federal  elections, 


THE  PEOPLE  ACTING   IN   CONGRESS.  71 

which  might  make  it  necessary  to  send  troops  into  a  State, 
in  order  to  enforce  the  laws. 

The  House  of  Representatives  must  choose  a  President 
of  the  United  States,  if,  as  sometimes  happens,  the  electors 
chosen  by  the  people  fail  to  choose  one.  The  Senate  must, 
in  like  manner,  elect  a  Vice-President.  But  the  choice 
for  the  President  must  be  from  the  three  highest  names 
voted  for  by  the  people,  for  the  Vice-President  from  the 
two  highest. 

The  appeal  to  the  country.  —  Once  in  two  years  a 
new  House  of  Representatives  must  be  elected.  If,  mean- 
while, bad  laws  have  been  passed,  or  injurious  taxes  and 
wasteful  expenses  have  been  voted,  the  people  can  condemn 
the  bad  legislation  by  refusing  to  vote  again  for  the  men 
who  were  responsible.  If  the  same  men  are  returned  to 
the  new  Congress,  it  will  show  that  the  people  approve  of 
their  conduct. 


72  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER    XTII. 

CITIES  AND   THEIR   GOVERNMENT. 

Cities.  —  When  a  town  becomes  quite  populous,  the 
whole  body  of  its  people  cannot  conveniently  be  assembled 
to  consult  for  public  matters.  For  while  a  small  number 
can  hear  whatever  may  be  said  and  can  deliberate  questions, 
careful  deliberation  becomes  difficult  in  a  crowd  ;  the  wis- 
est man  may  not  be  able  to  make  his  voice  heard.  Neither 
is  there  needful  time  for  all  sides  to  be  patiently  discussed. 
Public  business  also  becomes  more  complicated  and  exten- 
sive. New  and  often  costly  enterprises  are  required  for 
the  health,  comfort,  and  safety  of  the  inhabitants.  Fre- 
quent meetings  are  necessary  to  provide  for  these  enlarged 
needs.  The  old  simple  methods  of  the  town  meeting  are 
therefore  outgrown.  In  such  cases  the  legislature,  upon  re- 
quest of  the  people  of  the  town,  may  give  a  charter ;  that 
is,  a  constitution  with  suitable  rules,  for  the  establishment 
of  a  city  with  new  machinery  of  government.  The  city 
government  is  like  a  miniature  legislature,  or  a  town  meet- 
ing of  delegates.  It  generally  follows  the  old  fashion  of 
the  Parliament  and  has  two  branches,  the  smaller  called  the 
Board  of  Aldermen,  and  a  larger  one  called  the  Common 
Council.  As  in  the  case  of  the  legislature,  both  branches 
are  elected  by  the  people.  A  mayor  is  also  chosen,  who 
corresponds  to  the  President  or  the  governor  of  a  State. 
His  duties  will  be  spoken  of  in  another  chapter.  Since 
the  people  make    their  city   government,  they   therefore 


CITIES  AND  THEIR  GOVERNMENT.  73 

agree  to  abide  by  whatever  it  votes  to  do,  to  obey  the  rules 
made  for  the  city  and  to  pay  the  taxes.  The  city  govern- 
ment cannot  do  anything  contrary  to  the  laws  of  the 
State ;  neither  can  its  charter  be  altered  without  the  con- 
sent of  the  legislature. 

Two  modes  of  electing  the  aldermen.  —  Sometimes 
a  city  is  divided  into  districts,  each  of  which  chooses  its 
own  alderman.  The  people  of  a  district  in  this  case  do 
not  choose  the  best  man  whom  they  could  find  in  the  whole 
city,  but  merely  the  candidate  who  can  command  the  votes 
of  his  own  district.  It  may  be  some  one  whom  the  voters 
of  the  other  districts  would  disapprove.  The  alderman  of 
a  district  also  is  likely  to  think  it  his  duty  to  get  appro- 
priations of  money  for  his  own  part  of  the  city,  rather  than 
to  consider  the  interests  of  all  parts. 

The  other  mode  of  electing  aldermen  is  by  a  general 
ticket.  In  other  words,  all  the  voters  may  vote  for  all  the 
aldermen.  In  this  case  the  candidates  are  likely  to  be 
known  outside  their  own  wards.  It  is  possible  to  choose 
a  board  with  reference  to  their  character,  ability,  and  ex- 
perience, who  will  seek  to  serve  the  whole  city,  and  not 
merely  one  part  of  it. 

By  the  latter  method  it  might  happen  that  the  political 
party  which  had  the  most  votes  in  the  city  would  choose 
all  the  aldermen.  If,  for  example,  the  Democrats  elected 
the  mayor,  they  might  have  the  whole  board  of  aldermen 
too.  The  first  method  would  allow  the  smaller  party  the 
chance  of  winning  a  majority  in  some  of  the  districts,  and 
so  of  having  part  of  the  aldermen.  On  the  other  hand,  if 
the  majority  of  the  voters  are  intelligent  enough  to  wish 
good  government  for  their  city,  they  will  agree  to  choose 
the  best  men  of  both  parties  for  their  aldermen.  This  plan 
has  often  been  successfully  tried. 


74  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  city  government  and  the  legislature.  —  The  leg- 
islature is  largely  for  the  purpose  of  making  laws  for  all 
the  people  of  the  State.  It  sometimes,  also,  undertakes 
public  works.  The  great  canals  of  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York  were  thus  constructed  by  the  State.  It  provides  hos- 
pitals for  the  insane  and  prisons.  It  takes  charge  of  such 
of  the  poor  as  can  claim  no  home  or  residence  in  any  town 
of  the  State.  It  pays  the  expenses  of  the  militia,  who 
may  be  called  upon  for  the  public  safety.  But  the  total 
amount  of  money  expended  by  the  State  government  is 
comparatively  small,  often  smaller  than  the  cost  of  man- 
aging certain  great  railways  or  manufacturing  companies 
within  its  borders. 

The  duties  of  the  city  government,  on  the  contrary, 
are  largely  in  administering  the  expenditures  of  money. 
The  city  government  has  no  laws  to  make  except  certain 
petty  rules  ;  for  example,  about  the  public  grounds,  or  the 
care  of  sidewalks  and  streets.  But  the  amount  of  money 
to  be  expended  for  police,  for  lighting  the  streets,  for  water 
and  sewerage,  and  many  other  purposes,  is  very  great. 
The  largest  city  of  a  State,  as  Boston  or  Chicago,  may  re- 
quire much  more  money  than  the  legislature  has  to  dispose 
of.  The  cost  of  managing  the  city  to  each  citizen  may  be 
many  times  the  cost  to  each  for  managing  the  State,  and 
much  more  than  the  cost  to  each  inhabitant  for  carrying 
on  the  national  government.  Thus,  while  the  State  legis- 
lature chiefly  makes  or  alters  laws,  the  city  legislature 
chiefly  votes  the  expenditure  of  money.  It  is  like  the 
board  of  directors  of  a  great  mill.  If  it  is  wasteful  or 
extravagant,  it  will  increase  the  expense  to  each  inhabitant 
or  roll  up  great  debt.  It  needs  therefore,  like  the  mill,  the 
services  of  able,  discreet,  and  honest  men,  On  the  other 
hand,  since   the  city  government  has  the  expenditure  of 


CITIES   AND   THEIR   GOVERNMENT.  75 

money,  it  becomes  an  object  of  temptation  to  idle,  design- 
ing, and  unprincipled  men,  often  unable  to  manage  their 
own  affairs,'  who  see  in  the  great  public  treasury  the 
opportunity  for  plunder.  Thus  the  notorious  Tweed  Ring 
in  New  York  City  between  1860  and  1871,  by  various  cor- 
rupt practices,  by  bad  votes,  and  bad  appointments  to 
office,  and  bribery  and  fraud,  pillaged  the  people  to  the 
extent  of  many  millions  of  dollars  and  increased  the  debt 
by  eighty  millions. 

Where  responsibility  lies.  —  If  the  stockholders  of  a 
company  were  to  choose  for  directors  worthless  or  incapa- 
ble men,  who  ruined  the  company,  we  should  not  blame 
the  bad  directors  only,  but  the  careless  stockholders  who 
had  chosen  them  and  kept  them  in  office.  So  when  the 
people,  who  are  the  stockholders  in  the  vast  public  prop- 
erty of  a  city,  choose  men  to  be  their  directors  in  the 
common  council,  whom  they  would  not  choose  or  trust 
in  any  private  charge  of  their  own,  the  blame  rests  upon 
the  people ;  and  since  the  less  intelligent  part  of  the 
people  would  not  willingly  vote  for  bad  men  who  make 
it  more  costly  to  live  in  their  city,  the  greater  blame 
rests  on  intelligent  citizens  for  their  carelessness  in  let- 
ting worthless  directors  expend  the  public  money  without 
protest. 

Village  charters.  —  In  the  newer  States,  where  the 
people  are  sanguine  in  expecting  marvellous  increase  in 
numbers  and  prosperity,  it  is  common  to  grant  city  govern- 
ment to  a  very  small  population,  often  to  a  few  hundred. 
In  the  older  States  a  city  means  more  than  in  the  West. 
In  Massachusetts,  for  instance,  the  rule  is,  not  to  give  a 
city  charter  to  less  than  twelve  thousand  people ;  there  are 
towns  with  a  larger  population  which  still  prefer  to  govern 
themselves  in  town  meeting. 


76  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  there  is  a  large  village  within 
a  town,  which  needs  water,  a  fire  department,  and  police, 
like  a  city.  But  it  may  not  seem  altogether"  just  to  tax 
the  farmers  outside  the  village  for  these  increased  needs 
of  the  villagers.  The  custom  in  some  States,  therefore,  is 
to  grant  a  charter  to  the  village,  as  a  corporation,  to  pro- 
vide itself  with  such  extra  facilities  as  the  larger  and  more 
scattered  population  of  the  town  would  be  unwilling  to 
pay  for.  In  this  case  the  villagers  pay  two  taxes,  one  as 
their  share  of  the  town  government,  and  the  other  tax  for 
themselves. 

The  injustice  to  the  farmers  in  helping  to  support  a 
village  within  their  borders  is  not  so  real  as  they  are  apt 
to  think.  For  the  increase  of  wealth  in  the  village  raises 
the  value  of  the  farms,  provides  better  roads,  and  gives  the 
farmers  a  good  market  for  all  that  they  can  produce. 
Thus  the  good  of  one  part  of  the  town  proves  to  be  the 
good  of  the  whole,  and  is  consequently  worth  paying 
something  for. 


THE  MACHINERY  OF  GOVERNMENT.         77 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

the  machinery  op  government. 

The  Executive. 

The  first  step  in  public  business  is  to  decide  what  to  do. 
This  is  legislation ;  it  is  the  work  of  the  town  meeting,  or 
the  legislature,  or  Congress.  It  still  remains  to  accom- 
plish the  work.  In  a  simple  ancient  village,  indeed,  as  on 
the  playground,  the  same  persons  might  first  consult  and 
make  rules,  and  then  proceed  to  act  together.  Even  then 
it  becomes  necessary  to  have  leaders  or  chiefs  to  direct. 
But  when  much  business  has  to  be  done,  it  is  necessary  to 
apportion  it,  and  entrust  certain  persons  with  the  care  of  it. 
This  is  the  executive  branch  of  the  government.  Some- 
times a  committee  of  three  or  more  persons  is  given  the 
charge  of  the  public  business,  as  in  the  case  of  the  select- 
men of  towns,  the  school  committee,  the  overseers  of  the 
poor,  and  various  other  commissions  for  public  works. 
Thus  in  Switzerland  an  executive  council  of  seven  mem- 
bers is  at  the  head  of  the  government. 

Undivided  responsibility.  — It  has  been  generally  found, 
when  work  of  any  sort  needs  to  be  done  or  important  action 
carried  out,  that  some  one  person  should  have  the  responsi- 
bility for  it ;  for  that  which  is  the  business  of  several  to 
do,  may  more  easily  be  neglected.  In  an  army,  therefore, 
there  must  be  a  commander-in-chief,  who  as  long  as  he 
serves  must  have  sole  command ;  as  in  a  ship  there  is 
one  captain  whom  every  one  must  obey.     So  it  is  wise  to 


78  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

put  the  execution  of  the  laws  and  the  direction  of  the 
government  into  the  hands  of  one  man,  the  President ;  or 
in  the  State,  the  governor ;  or  in  the  city,  the  mayor. 
As  long  as  he  serves,  he  shall  be  responsible  for  the  faithful 
discharge  of  his  office,  as  well  as  for  the  other  officers 
appointed  to  assist  him,  who  must  therefore  obey  his  orders. 
The  less  the  responsibility  of  the  mayor  or  President  is 
divided  with  others,  the  freer  he  is,  like  the  captain  of  the 
ship,  to  act  promptly  and  with  efficiency.  But  he  cannot 
act  contrary  to  the  laws  which  the  people  or  their  represent- 
atives make.  If  he  is  unfaithful  or  incapable,  or  abuses 
his  power,  blame  can  be  brought  directly  home  to  liim,  and 
he  can  be  displaced.  For  this  end,  the  executive  officer 
is  not  commonly  elected  for  a  long  term,  often  for  only  a 
year.  The  President  is  elected  for  only  four  years,  and  no 
President  has  ever  been  re-elected  for  more  than  a  second 
term.  No  executive  officer  in  this  country  can  therefore 
long  abuse  his  power,  unless  the  people  themselves  become 
very  negligent. 

The  veto  power.  —  Besides  the  duty  of  the  President, 
governor,  or  mayor  to  execute  the  laws,  it  has  become  the 
custom,  following  an  ancient  royal  usage,  to  entrust  him 
with  the  duty  of  forbidding  the  passage  of  an  unwise  law. 
Instead,  therefore,  of  giving  his  official  signature  to  such 
a  law,  which  is  the  final  step  to  make  the  law  or  vote 
valid,  he  can  and  ought  to  return  it  to  the  body  which 
passed  it,  with  his  reasons  for  refusing  to  sign  it.  It 
would  not  be  well,  however,  to  give  one  man,  even  though 
he  were  the  choice  of  all  the  people,  the  power  entirely  to 
thwart  the  Avill  of  their  own  representatives.  Thus,  if 
after  further  deliberation,  as  many  as  two-thirds  of  the 
representatives  still  continue  to  vote  for  the  bill  or  law,  it 
is  passed,  as  it  is  said,  "  over  the  veto,"  and  becomes  law 


THE   MACHINERY   OF   GOVERNMENT.  79 

without  the  consent  of  the  chief  executive .^  It  often 
happens  that  legislative  bodies  pass  a  bill  of  appropriations, 
some  of  which  are  good  while  others  are  bad :  it  is  therefore 
wisely  permitted,  in  some  constitutions  and  charters,  to 
the  governor  or  mayor  to  veto  such  items  or  parts  of  a 
bill  as  he  may  deem  injurious. 

The  power  of  the  President.  —  The  President  of  the 
United  States  corresponds  in  some  ways  to  the  head  of  a 
monarchy.  Thus  he  is  the  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  and  navy :  his  consent  or  signature  is  necessary  to 
the  passage  of  laws  ;  he  has  the  appointment,  —  with  the 
consent  of  the  Senate,  who  vote  to  confirm  or  reject  his 
nomination,  —  of  many  important  officers,  who  assist  in 
the  administration  of  the  country,  —  judges,  custom-house 
collectoi-s,  postmasters,  and  others,  to  the  number  of  thou- 
sands. On  the  other  hand,  his  power  is  very  greatiy 
limited.  The  king  in  an  absolute  monarchy  could  make 
laws  or  could  even  suspend  laws.  He  could  make  peace 
or  war  of  his  own  will.  He  could  increase  the  taxes  or 
levy  a  new  tax,  and  use  the  money  for  his  own  purposes. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  father  of  a  family,  he  had  in  his 
person  both  the  law-making  and  the  executive  power. 
Matters  of  justice  could  also  be  referred  to  the  king. 
The  Czar  of  Russia  has  such  powers  to  this  day,  as  the 
"  Father  of  his  people."  But  our  President  cannot  carry 
out  any  plan  or  public  policy,  however  necessary  it  seems, 
unless  the  majority  of  both  houses  of  Congress  agree  with 
him.  He  may  recommend,  but  Congress  may  pay  no  heed 
to  his  advice.  In  many  respects  he  has  less  freedom  of 
action  than  the  president  of  a  great  railroad,  and  less 
trust  is  placed  in  him.     Moreover,  the  President  is  liable 

1  In  some  constitutions  the  rules  make  it  less  difficult  to  pass  a  bill 
over  the  veto.     Four  States  do  not  give  the  governor  the  veto  power. 


80  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

to  impeachment  and  removal  from  office,  in  case  he  vio- 
lates the  Constitution  and  laws.  So  fearful  were  the  foun- 
ders of  our  government  lest  the  President  might  usurp 
the  power  of  a  tyrant,  that  it  has  now  become  a  question 
whether  he  has  power  enough  for  best  serving  the  interests 
of  the  people. 

The  governors  of  the  States  are  also  strictly  limited  in 
their  power  for  good  as  well  as  evil.  The  legislature  is 
not,  indeed,  bound  to  do  anything  that  the  wisest  governor 
may  recommend.  Thus  the  office  of  governor,  though 
one  of  honor,  gives  comparatively  little  opportunity  for 
public  usefulness.  Its  greatest  duties,  except  in  time  of 
emergency,  when  the  governor  might  have  to  act  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  militia,  consist  in  appointing  honest 
and  capable  men  for  certain  officers,  as  for  example,  in 
some  States,  the  judges,  and  in  vetoing  bad  bills  that  the 
legislature  ought  not  to  have  passed.  The  mayors  of  cities 
likewise  have  been  generally  made  mere  figure-heads. 
They  could  perhaps  prevent  or  veto  bad  plans,  but  they 
could  not  secure  the  passage  of  better  plans.  Thus  through- 
out the  machinery  of  our  government  we  have  cut  down 
the  powers  of  responsibility  of  the  executive  far  more 
than  would  be  well  in  the  conduct  of  any  other  important 
business.  We  have  acted  like  a  club  of  boys,  who,  after 
choosing  a  captain,  and  making  proper  rules  for  his  conduct, 
instead  of  following  liim,  must  stop  and  take  a  vote  on 
every  order  that  he  gives,  or  even  insist  upon  giving 
orders  themselves. 

The  Cabinet.  —  Although  it  is  wise  to  make  one  man 
responsible  for  the  conduct  of  his  office,  it  often  happens 
that  he  wants  advice,  as  a  commander-in-chief  must  some- 
times call  a  council  of  his  officers.  In  the  case  of  our 
President,  the  heads  of  the  great  departments  of  the  gov- 


THE  3IACHINERY   OF   GOVERXMENT.  81 

eminent  —  the  Secretary  of  State,  who  has  charge  of  our  re- 
hitions  to  foreign  governments ;  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury; the  Secretary  of  War,  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy; 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  who  has  control  of  the  busi- 
ness of  government  lands,  the  patent  office,  the  pensions, 
the  census,  and  the  Indian  tribes ,  the  Postmaster-General ; 
and  the  Attorney-General,  who  is  the  legal  adviser  for  the 
government ;  with  the  head  of  a  new  department,  the 
Commissioner  of  Agriculture  —  constitute  the  Cabinet,  or 
the  President's  Council.  These  officers  are  appointed  by 
the  President,  and  generally  from  the  party  which  elected 
him.  He  consults  with  them  as  to  the  course  of  his  ad- 
ministration, but  he  is  not  bound  to  take  their  advice. 
They  hold  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  President. 

Each  member  of  the  Cabinet  is  responsible  for  the 
conduct  of  his  department  of  the  government :  some  of 
them  have  many  thousands  of  clerks  and  other  officers 
under  them.  Their  responsibility  is  limited,  however,  and 
sometimes  interfered  with,  and  taken  away  by  the  action 
of  Congress,  who  may  refuse  to  do  as  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments recommend  in  their  annual  reports,  or  may  fail  to 
vote  the  money  needed  to  carry  on  the  work  of  any  depart- 
ment. When,  therefore,  waste  or  loss  occurs,  or  injustice 
is  done  (as,  for  instance,  to  the  Indians),  we  cannot  always 
be  sure  whether  to  blame  the  President  and  his  secretary, 
or  Congress,  who  may  have  neglected  to  do  as  the  secre- 
tary wished. 

In  England  the  Ministry  correspond  somewhat  to  our 
Cabinet,  but  they  must  also  be  members  of  Parliament. 
On  the  contrary,  our  Cabinet  have  no  voice  in  Congress. 
The  English  ministers  hold  power  as  long  as  they  are 
supported  by  a  majority  in  the  House  of  Commons.  If  the 
majority  changes  and  disapproves  of  their  conduct,  the 


82  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

custom  is  that  they  shall  resign  and  let  another  set  of 
ministers  undertake  the  administration.  It  may  easily 
happen  that  the  sovereign  does  not  approve  of  the  Prime 
Minister  in  power.  Nevertheless,  if  a  majority  of  the 
House  of  Commons  support  him,  he  holds  office  in  the 
name  of  the  sovereign.  In  Germany,  on  the  contrary, 
the  chief  minister  must  be  acceptable  to  the  Emperor. 

The  Governor's  Council.  —  The  governor  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  of  two  other  States,  has  a  sort  of  cabinet  of 
advisers,  who  also  act  with  him  in  making  certain  appoint- 
ments to  office,  or  in  granting  pardons  to  criminals  ;  but 
his  Council  are  elected  b}''  the  people.  He  cannot,  there- 
fore, like  the  President,  act  independently  of  them.  It  is 
hard  to  see  any  reason  for  having  such  a  council,  except 
that  it  is  an  old  custom.  In  many  cities  the  charter  or 
constitution  makes  the  board  of  aldermen  a  sort  of  council 
for  the  mayor,  who  is  so  far  hampered  in  his  freedom  of 
appointment  of  his  officers,  and  in  his  conduct. 


THE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH   OF   THE   GOVERNMENT.        83 


CHAPTER    XV. 

THE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT,  OR  THE 
COURTS  AND  THE  LAWS. 

The  legislative  branch  of  the  government  represents  the 
will  of  the  people,  determines  what  ought  to  be  done, 
makes  laAvs,  and  appropriates  money.  The  executive 
branch  of  the  government,  assisted  by  an  army  of  officers, 
carries  out  the  laws  that  Congress  or  the  legislature  passes, 
and  lays  out  the  moneys  appropriated.  But  frequent  ques- 
tions arise  as  to  what  is  just  or  legal.  Laws  sometimes 
appear  to  conflict  with  each  other,  or  not  to  be  in  accord 
with  the  Constitution.  The  laws  of  one  State  may  be  dif- 
ferent from  the  laws  of  another,  so  as  sometimes  to  conflict 
or  work  injury.  Besides,  there  are  those  who,  through 
ignorance  or  vice,  break  the  laws  or  do  injustice  to  others. 
The  courts,  or  the  judicial  branch  of  the  government,  is 
intended  to  answer  these  questions  and  to  pronounce  what 
the  law  is.     It  is  like  the  umpire  on  the  playground. 

The  highest  court  is  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  consisting  of  nine  judges  who  are  appointed  for  life. 
Only  important  questions  come  before  this  tribunal.  If 
Massachusetts  or  Georgia  were  to  pass  a  law  which  bore 
unequally  on  citizens  of  New  York,  travelling  or  doing 
business  in  the  other  State,  the  Supreme  Court  may  declare 
such  a  law  unconstitutional.  For  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  guarantees  the  rights  of  the  people  of 
the  different  States.     Part  of  the  time  the  judges  of  the 


84  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Supreme  Court  hold  session  together  in  Washington.  The 
country  is  also  divided  into  nine  circuits,  each  of  which  has 
a  judge  of  its  own,  besides  the  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court 
who  may  for  the  time  be  assigned  to  attend  upon  the  busi- 
ness comprised  in  the  circuit.  Below  the  circuit  courts 
there  are  more  than  fifty  district  courts,  each  with  its 
judge,  its  marshal  or  sheriff,  and  its  district  attorney. 
Appeal  may  be  made  in  certain  cases  from  one  court  to 
a  higher  or  to  the  Supreme  Court.  If  a  ship  rescued  the 
cargo  of  another  ship,  and  questions  arose  between  the 
two  owners,  such  a  case  would  come  before  the  United 
States  court.  So  if  any  one  were  arrested  for  smug- 
gling goods.  If  a  question  arose  about  a  railroad  which 
crossed  several  States,  it  might  come  before  a  United  States 
judge.  So  with  suits  about  patents  upon  inventions  and 
the  copyrights  of  books.  If  a  question  arose  under  any 
act  or  law  of  Congress;  or  between  citizens  of  different 
States ;  in  such  cases  the  national  courts  may  be  asked  to 
decide. 

There  are  also  Territorial  courts,  which  are  supported 
by  the  general  government,  till  the  Territories  become 
States.  The  District  of  Columbia,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
like  a  Territory,  is  under  the  laws  made,  not  by  its  own 
people,  but  by  Congress,  who  —  since  it  is  the  seat  of  gov- 
ernment —  are  obliged  to  control  the  District,  and  to  take 
the  charge  of  its  expenses.  A  Court  of  Claims  at  Wash- 
ington considers  bills  and  disputed  accounts  urged  against 
the  national  government ;  for  differences  sometimes  arise 
between  the  treasury  officers  of  the  United  States  and  the 
men  who  have  furnished  supplies  or  undertaken  contracts 
of  work  for  the  government.  There  is  much  "  red  tape  " 
or  form  required  in  the  business  of  the  government,  so 
that  mistakes  and  delays  occur  to  the  injury  of  individuals. 


*HE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH   OF  THE   GOVERNMENT.        85 

The  State  courts.  —  Each  State  has  its  own  judicial 
system,  with  various  grades  of  courts.  There  are  magis- 
trates in  every  locality,  before  whom  criminals  or  petty 
questions  can  be  brought.  There  are  police  courts  for 
cities  or  for  populous  districts.  The  superior  courts  are 
held  from  time  to  time  at  the  court-house  or  shire  town 
of  each  county.  Questions  of  law  which  cannot  be  satis- 
factorily settled  in  the  lower  courts  may  be  referred  to  the 
Supreme  Court,  who,  sitting  together,  make  final  decision, 
and  if  the  meaning  of  the  law  is  not  clear,  give  it  inter- 
pretation. 

The  election  of  judges.  A  bad  method.  —  In  some 
States  the  judges  are  elected  by  the  people  for  a  term  of 
years.  If  the  people  are  careless  or  ignorant,  this  practice 
furnishes  inferior  judges.  A  judge  who,  in  aiming  to  be 
fair,  renders  an  unpopular  decision,  is  liable  to  be  turned 
out  of  his  office  at  the  next  election.  Weak  men  may 
be  tempted  to  use  the  office  of  judge,  so  as  to  secure  a 
re-election  rather  than  to  administer  strict  justice.  It  is 
as  though,  not  the  players,  but  the  bystanders,  chose  the 
umpire  for  a  game.  It  ought,  however,  to  be  said,  that 
judges  have  sometimes  shown  themselves  thoroughly  cour- 
ageous under  this  system,  and  have  risked  their  re-election 
in  making  honest  decisions. 

The  better  plan.  The  appointment  of  judges.  —  In 
some  States  the  judges  are  appointed  by  the  chief  authority 
of  the  State,  either  by  the  governor  and  his  Council,  or 
in  others,  by  the  legislature.  The  judges  of  the  United 
States  are  appointed  by  the  President  and  approved  by 
the  Senate.  The  appointing  power  is  thus  made  respon- 
sible for  the  high  character  of  the  judge.  This  is  as 
though  schoolboys  were  to  trust  their  oldest  fellows,  or 
their  captain,  to  name  the  umpire  ;  lest  the  younger  boys, 


86  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

instead  of  voting  for  the  candidate  who  would  make  the 
fairest  umpire,  might  vote  for  some  one  without  experience. 
The  judges  of  the  United  States,  and  of  certain  States 
also,  are  appointed  for  life.  They  are,  therefore,  indepen- 
dent of  fear  or  favor.  However  unpopular  their  decision 
may  be,  provided  it  is  honest,  they  cannot  be  turned  out 
of  their  office.  But  there  is  a  way  provided,  by  which,  if 
a  judge  should  ever  do  gross  wrong,  he  can  be  impeached 
and  removed  by  the  legislature,  or  by  Congress.  For  the 
judge  is  still  responsible  to  the  people,  through  their 
representatives,  like  the  umpire  who  should  refuse  to  act 
fairly. 

How  far  the  courts  have  power.  — In  early  times,  one 
power,  the  king,  like  a  father,  might  make  laws  and  ex- 
ecute them,  and  decide  disputes  which  arose  under  them. 
But  each  branch  of  our  government  is  distinct  from  the 
other.  Thus  while  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
cannot  send  an  army  into  a  State  to  enforce  the  laws,  the 
President,  under  certain  conditions,  might  send  a  force. 
But  it  would  be  impossible  for  the  President  or  the  gov- 
ernor to  carry  out  an  unpopular  decision  of  a  court,  if 
the  Congress  or  the  legislature  were  unwilling  to  make 
provision  for  the  needful  expense.  Thus  in  a  free  country, 
all  decisions  of  the  courts  must  rest  upon  the  general 
consent  and  the  conscience  of  the  people  themselves. 
As  boys,  however,  hold  it  dishonoi-able  not  to  heed  the 
umpire's  decision,  and  since  indeed  no  play  could  go  on 
successfully  without  justice,  so  men  generally  agree  in 
demanding  of  each  other  that  all  shall  obey  the  decrees  of 
the  courts. 

The  machinery  of  the  courts.  —  Besides  judges,  there 
are  attorneys  or  lawyers  employed  in  behalf  of  the  jDeoijle. 
The  attorney-in-chief  for  each  State  is  the  legal  adviser  of 


THE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH   OP  THE  GOVERNMENT.        87 

the  government.  There  are  also  attorneys  or  solicitors  for 
counties  or  districts,  whose  duty  it  is  to  prosecute  persons 
accused  of  breaking  the  laws.  Each  city,  too,  must  have 
its  attorney  or  solicitor,  and  perhaps,  in  a  great  city,  a 
little  staff  of  lawyers  and  clerks,  who  are  constantly 
employed  in  defending  the  interests  of  the  people.  Thus 
the  individual  citizen  may  claim  damages  for  loss  or  injury 
from  the  defect  in  a  road,  and  the  lawyer  for  the  city 
must  present  the  side  of  the  people  in  the  courts. 

Besides  the  courts  Avhich  try  criminals  or  questions  of 
business,  there  are  probate  courts,  with  their  judges, 
which  take  care  of  the  wills  which  men  leave  for  the 
disposal  of  their  property ;  or,  if  necessary,  appoint  guar- 
dians for  orphan  children.  There  must  be  some  authority 
also,  like  the  superior  judge,  who  can  decree  a  separation 
of  husband  and  wife,  or  perhaps  a  divorce,  in  the  case  of 
a  bad  marriage.  In  such  cases  there  may  be  suitable  pro- 
vision made,  by  the  order  of  the  court,  for  the  children. 

Sheriffs  and  constables  also  attend  upon  the  courts,  to 
serve  their  summons  or  to  guard  prisoners.  Clerks  and 
registers  have  the  care  of  the  records  of  the  courts,  or 
keep  copies  of  the  deeds  and  wills  and  other  documents, 
without  which  there  would  be  risk  of  frequent  mistakes 
and  disputes  about  property.  Thus,  if  a  man  sells  a 
piece  of  land,  the  sale  is  entered  on  record  at  the  registry 
of  deeds,  and  can  at  any  time  be  consulted. 

The  police.  —  In  large  towns  and  cities  it  is  necessary 
to  have  a  body  of  police,  sometimes  numbering  many 
hundreds,  to  watch  the  property  and  guard  the  safety  of 
the  citizens.  The  police  are  paid  by  the  city  and  are  at 
the  command  of  the  mayor.  But  in  some  cities  they 
are  under  officers  or  a  commission  appointed,  not  by  the 
mayor,  but  by  the  governor.     This  is  because  the  people 


88  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

of  the  whole  State  do  not  trust  the  governments  of  the 
cities. 

The  jury.  —  It  is  an  old  custom  that  when  a  matter  of 
justice  has  to  be  decided,  twelve  men  are  called  in  to  act 
as  a  jury,  and,  after  hearing  the  case,  to  vote  which  side 
should  have  the  verdict.  The  early  settlers  brought  this 
custom  from  England.  It  is  indeed  said  to  be  traced  far 
back  to  Germany.  No  one  can  be  prosecuted  for  crime 
without  a  jury.  The  custom  in  most  States  is  that  the 
jury  must  be  unanimous;  that  is,  the  twelve  must  agree, 
or  else  the  accused  cannot  be  convicted.  The  accused  has 
the  right  to  challenge,  or  decline  to  accept,  a  certain  num- 
ber of  those  offered  as  jurymen.  The  court  may  also  set 
aside  such  men  as  he  believes  may  have  already  formed 
an  opinion  about  the  case.  This  sometimes  serves  to  nar- 
row the  jury  down  to  the  most  ignorant  men  who  do  not 
read  the  newspapers ;  or,  in  some  cases,  to  men  who  may 
be  indulgent  towards  the  offence ;  and  since  it  is  difficult 
always  to  bring  quite  conclusive  evidence  to  compel  twelve 
men  to  agree,  it  must  sometimes  happen  that  the  jury 
system  lets  the  guilty  escape.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
thought  better  that  some  guilty  persons  should  escape, 
than  that  any  innocent  person  should  run  the  risk  of  being 
punished. 

The  grand  jury. —  A  charge  might  be  carelessly  brought 
against  a  person  who  would  be  put  to  great  trouble 
and  loss  by  having  to  stand  a  trial.  Before  a  case  is  fairly 
brought  into  court,  therefore,  the  grand  jury^  which  may 
be  as  large  as  twenty-three  men,  examines  the  charge,  and, 
if  good  reason  is  shown,  finds  a  bill  or  indictment. 

How  jurymen  are  chosen.  —  Every  man,  with  certain 
exceptions,  such  as  lawyers  and  doctors,  is  liable  to  be 
drawn  by  lot  to  serve  as  a  juryman.     The  duty  is  some- 


THE  JUDICIAL  BllAl^CH   OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.        8^ 

what  like  that  of  serving  in  time  of  war  as  a  soldier.  For 
if  every  one  could  shirk  who  did  not  enjoy  the  service,  it 
would  make  the  work  harder  for  others,  and  perhaps  throw 
it  into  ignorant  hands. 

The  delay  of  justice. — The  old  custom  of  requiring 
all  the  jury  to  agree  may  easily  delay  justice  and  render  it 
costly ;  for  it  may  be  necessary  to  try  the  same  case  re- 
peatedly, before  a  jury  will  be  found  who  can  agree.  If 
then  some  fault  is  found  in  the  decision,  so  that  an  appeal 
may  be  taken  to  a  higher  court,  the  question  may  be  kept 
in  the  courts  for  years,  not  only  to  the  cost  of  the  parties 
to  the  lawsuit,  but  also  at  great  cost  to  the  public,  who 
have  to  maintain  the  cumbrous  machinery  of  justice,  and 
to  pay  for  judges,  sheriffs,  and  jurymen.  Some  think  that 
the  laws  should  generally  be  changed  so  that,  except  in 
criminal  cases,  the  vote  of  two-thirds  of  a  jury,  or  as  in 
the  case  of  the  Supreme  Court,  a  majority,  shall  be  enough 
to  decide. 

The  referee.  —  It  is  not  uncommon  for  both  parties  to  a 
question  or  dispute,  to  agree  to  leave  the  decision  to 
capable  referees.  This  is  the  method  which  good  temper 
would  always  dictate  between  honest  and  friendly  men. 

The  judge  and  the  jury. — In  our  system,  except  in 
what  are  known  as  the  equity  courts,  and  in  petty  cases 
before  a  police  court,  the  judge  does  not  himself  decide, 
for  example,  upon  the  question  of  the  guilt  of  an  accused 
person,  or  a  dispute  about  property ;  but  the  jury  decide, 
after  hearing  the  witnesses  and  the  evidence  upon  both 
sides,  with  the  arguments  or  statements  of  the  lawyers. 
The  judge  presides  and  sees  that  the  trial  is  according  to 
law.  He  also  gives  the  charge  to  the  jury,  or  in  other 
words,  instructs  the  jury  as  to  the  law  and  advises  them 
how  to  consider  the  question.     He  may  also,  in  certain 


90  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

cases,  set  the  verdict  of  the  jury  aside  and  order  a  fresh 
trial.  In  the  Supreme  Court,  however,  where  questions 
of  what  the  law  is  are  considered,  the  judges  themselves 
decide. 

Witnesses  and  the  oath.  —  The  usage  is  to  require  the 
witnesses,  who  bring  evidence  in  the  court,  to  take  an 
oath  or  swear  to  the  truth  of  what  they  testify  The 
breaking  of  the  oath  is  called  perjury  and  makes  one 
liable  to  punishment.  Important  officers  of  government 
and  clerks  of  corporations  are  also  required  to  take  the 
oath. of  office  for  the  faithful  performance  of  their  duties. 
Those  who  favor  the  use  of  the  oath  hold  that  it  adds  the 
weight  of  religion  to  men's  consciences,  and  urges  them  to 
be  scrupulous  and  accurate. 

On  the  oilier  hand,  it  is  said  that  no  oath  can  make  a 
promise  or  the  statement  of  a  witness  more  sacred  than 
it  is  in  itself.  It  is  also  objected  that  the  oath  is  often 
administered  in  a  slovenly  and  meaningless  manner,  and 
that  a  serious  affirmation  under  the  penalty  of  perjury  is 
enough.  The  law  already  allows  those  who  have  con- 
scientious objections  to  the  oath  to  make  such  affirmation. 

Habeas  corpus.  —  In  the  days  of  tyrants,  when  often  a 
great  lord  had  power  of  life  and  death  in  his  domain,  it 
sometimes  befell  that  a  man  was  thrown  into  prison  on 
some  charge  or  suspicion  and  not  brought  to  trial  at  once, 
but  kept  confined  till  he  died.  One  of  the  ancient  liber- 
ties, therefore,  which  the  English  people  asserted,  was  that 
of  a  prompt  trial  in  behalf  of  any  person  imprisoned  on 
suspicion.  A  friend  or  neighbor  could  go  in  behalf  of  the 
prisoner  before  the  proper  court,  and  get  what  is  called  a 
writ  of  habeas  corpus  (Latin  words,  commanding  the  jailer 
to  produce  the  body).  Good  cause  must  then  be  shown 
at  once  why  the  man  ought  to  be  confined,  or  else  he  is 


THE  JUDICIAL  BKANCH  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.        91 

entitled  to  release.  No  king  or  enemy  could,  therefore, 
keep  a  man  in  jail  without  fair  process  of  law. 

Bail.  —  In  most  cases,  unless  the  charges  are  very  serious, 
the  prisoner  may  procure  hail^  and  go  free  till  the  trial 
comes  off ;  that  is,  some  person  may  agree  to  answer  for  his 
appearance  when  the  trial  is  called,  or  to  pay  the  forfeit 
of  a  sum  of  money. 

Exceptions.  —  There  are  times  of  war  or  great  public 
danger  when  the  privileges  of  bail  and  habeas  corpus  may 
be  suspended.  It  might  happen  that  certain  accused 
persons  appeared  to  be  very  dangerous  to  the  State,,  or 
that  popular  excitement  would  not  for  the  time  allow  a 
fair  trial.  Thus  the  laws  themselves  must  yield  to  the 
public  safety,  as  when  in  time  of  dangerous  sickness,  the 
ordinary  rules  of  the  house  may  be  set  aside. 

The  common  law.  —  The  early  settlers  brought  with 
them  the  laws  and  systems  of  courts,  which  they  had  been 
used  to  in  England.  These  laws  had  grown  partly  out  of 
men's  sense  of  right,  as  the  laws  against  violence  and 
crime ;  also  out  of  men's  dealings  in  trade,  and  in  holding 
property.  As  new  questions  arose  in  the  courts,  the 
judges'  decisions  became  precedents,  or  examples  to  help 
decide  other  similar  cases.  The  common  laiv  is  the  accu- 
mulation of  such  decisions  through  many  generations.  It 
is  possible  that  the  old  decision  or  custom  was  mistaken ; 
some  conscientious  and  independent  court  may  then  cor- 
rect it,  and  make  a  new  example  to  be  followed  by  others. 

The  common  law  is  like  the  rules  of  the  games  among 
schoolboys.  The  boys  play  according  to  custom,  and  their 
umpire  tries  to  interpret  the  rules  so  as  to  do  justice.  In 
this  way  he  will  sometimes  establish  a  new  rule. 

Statute  laws. — It  is  also  possible  to  make  new  laws 
or  to  set  aside  imperfect  ones  by  the  agreement  of  the 


92  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

people,  or  by  their  representatives.  These  are  statute  laws^ 
such  as  the  legislature  or  Congress  makes. 

The  laws  and  the  right.  —  Justice  is  often  more  than 
the  laws.  For  the  laws  can  only  fix  what  the  general 
sense  of  the  people  or  their  customs  permit.  The  laws  of 
a  nation  may  thus  allow  wrong,  like  slavery.  We  may, 
therefore,  keep  within  the  laws  and  yet  not  do  right. 
Neither  do  good  laws  profess  to  work  perfect  justice. 
The  laws  and  the  courts  are  like  machinery,  which  will 
work  wrong  if  men  mismanage  it.  Hence  the  courts  will 
frequently  delay  justice,  because  they  are  overworked. 
The  laws  must  sometimes  do  justice  for  the  sake  of  the 
whole,  at  the  expense  or  loss  of  tlie  individual.  For  the 
general  rule  may  accidentally  hurt  the  individual  who 
falls  in  its  way.  The  courts  are  also  very  costly,  not  only 
to  the  people  who  support  them,  but  to  the  person  who 
uses  them,  who  must  hire  lawyers  to  defend  his  cause. 
Thus  the  actual  working  of  the  courts  often  discourages 
men  from  resorting  to  them,  and  tends  to  urge  parties  to 
settle  their  differences  by  friendly  arbitration. 

The  tyranny  of  law.  —  In  the  old  colony  of  Massachu- 
setts Bay,  and  in  Connecticut,  the  majority  of  the  people 
made  laws  compelling  every  one  to  go  to  church;  but 
even  if  it  was  good  for  all  to  go  to  church,  it  was  wrong 
for  the  majority  to  use  such  laws  to  compel  the  minority. 
It  is  tyranny  for  one  man  to  insist  arbitrarily  that  others 
must  do  what  he  saj-s ;  so  it  may  be  tyranny  for  many 
men  to  force  others  to  obey  their  will. 

The  laws  are  merely  instruments  for  the  protection  of 
all  the  people.  Their  proper  use,  therefore,  like  the  rules 
of  a  club,  depends  upon  the  common  consent.  They  fail 
to  be  useful  as  soon  as  any  considerable  number  of  citi- 
zens deem  them  unfair  or  oppressive,  or  especially,  against 


THE  JUDICIAL  BRANCH   OF   THE  GOVERNMENT.        93 

their  conscience.  In  this  case,  the  laws  may  tempt  to 
disorder,  violence,  and  possibly  to  rebellion.  Besides,  a 
majority  of  men  may  for  a  time  be  mistaken  about  right, 
as  a  majority  has  often  been  mistaken  about  religion.  The 
laws,  therefore,  which  are  made  for  all,  ought  not  merely 
to  enforce  the  opinions  of  one  party,  but  to  express  the 
common  agreement  of  intelligent  and  decent  citizens. 
Whatever  is  right  beyond  the  laws  will  thus  come  into 
vogue  by  persuasion,  example,  and  enlightened  public 
opinion,  better  than  when  forced  through  legislation. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  the  press.  —  The  constitutions 
of  our  States  generally  secure  to  the  people  freedom  to 
speak  or  publish  whatever  they  think.  They  may  speak 
and  write  against  the  government,  and  try  to  change  it. 
They  may  publish  gossip  about  the  President  and  other 
officers.  They  may  write  or  speak  so  as  to  shock  the 
prejudices  of  their  fellow-citizens.  This  liberty  rests  upon 
our  trust  in  the  people  and  in  the  soundness  of  our  govern- 
ment. A  timid  or  despotic  government,  like  Russia,  could 
not  permit  such  freedom  of  discussion.  Our  laws  only 
slightly  restrict  it.  They  forbid  the  publication  of  mali- 
cious or  libellous  matter  designed  to  hurt  a  person's  busi- 
ness or  character.  They  also  forbid  low  and  immoral 
publications.  On  the  whole,  however,  it  is  thought  safe 
to  allow  men  to  speak  their  minds,  since  errors  are  most 
effectively  answered  when  fairly  brought  to  the  light. 


94  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  TREASURY  AND  THE  TAXES. 

The  public  expenses.  —  The  sum  of  money  required  for 
all  the  expenses  of  the  town,  city,  state,  and  national  gov- 
ernment is  several  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  a  year. 
It  is  an  average  of  more  than  ten  dollars  apiece  for  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  in  the  country.  In  the  great  cities 
of  course  the  average  is  much  greater,  amounting  in  some 
cases  to  thirty  dollars  a  year  for  each  inhabitant.  If  all 
this  money  is  wisely  expended,  it  comes  back  to  the  people 
in  various  kind  of  service  ;  so  that  they  are  not  only 
happier,  but  richer  than  they  would  be  without  it.  For 
example,  the  whole  country  is  richer  and  not  poorer  on 
account  of  the  expense  for  lighthouses.  So,  too,  with 
the  fire  department  of  a  city.  The  amount  needed  for 
public  expenses  is  collected  in  the  form  of  taxes. 

The  taxes.  —  In  every  town  or  city  there  is  a  collector 
of  taxes  and  a  treasurer.  There  are  also  assessors;  that 
is,  officers  who  determine  what  property  there  is  in  the 
town,  and  what  amount,  therefore,  each  person  ought  to  pay 
according  to  law.  Each  town  must  raise  money  enough 
for  its  own  expenses  and  also  its  share  of  the  expenses  of 
the  county  and  of  the  State  government.  Its  share  is 
determined  by  the  proportion  of  the  taxable  property  in 
it,  such  as  land,  houses,  mills,  railroads,  compared  with 
the  whole  amount  in  the  county  or  the  State.  So  with 
the  share  which  each  person  pays.  It  depends  upon  the 
amount  of  taxable  property  which  he  or  she  has. 


THE  TEEASURY  AND  THE  TAXES.  95 

County  treasurers  take  charge  of  the  money  which  each 
county  requires  for  its  courts  and  other  purposes.  The 
county  commissioners  have  authority  to  lay  out  the  money 
of  the  county,  according  to  law. 

The  State  treasurer,  with  his  clerks,  keeps  account  of 
the  moneys  received  from  all  the  towns  and  cities  (or 
counties)  of  the  State.  A  board  of  officers  or  State  asses- 
sors may  determine  the  share  that  each  town  ought  to  pay 
for  the  common  good. 

Direct  taxes:  the  income  tax. — When  a  tax-bill  is 
brought  directly  to  each  person,  or  to  each  business  firm  or 
company,  it  is  called  a  direct  tax.  It  is  levied  sometimes 
upon  the  value  of  the  actual  propert}?-  that  any  one 
possesses,  or  again  upon  the  amount  of  one's  income  or 
salary.  The  income  tax  would  be  a  very  fair  method,  if 
every  one  could  be  trusted  to  report  his  income  to  the 
assessors,  but  a  very  few  dishonorable  citizens  who  failed 
to  report  truthfully  would  at  once  throw  an  unfair  burden 
upon  all  the  rest. 

Double  taxation.  —  Besides  the  visible  property  which 
a  man  owns,  such  as  houses  and  land  (real  estate),  and 
movable  articles,  such  as  furniture,  etc.,  he  may  have 
various  certificates  of  the  stock  of  corporations,  or  bonds 
or  notes.  A  great  amount  of  wealth  is  held  in  this  form. 
It  stands  for  the  fact,  as  we  shall  see  more  fully  later, 
that  the  holder  owns  a  share  of  property  which  some  other 
person  or  company  manages.  If  it  is  a  railway  bond,  it 
means  that  the  holder  really  owns  some  part  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  railway  company.  If  it  is  a  note  or  mortgage, 
it  means  that  the  holder  really  owns  so  much  of  the 
property,  perhaps  a  farm,  that  the  man  who  gave  the  note 
works.  This  actual  property,  wherever  it  is,  is  assessed 
and  taxed  for  all  its  value.     If,  besides,  the  man  who  holds 


96  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

shares  in  the  property  is  taxed  for  those  shares,  the  tax 
becomes  twofold.  This  is  thought  by  many  to  be  unfair. 
For  the  man  who  owns  the  whole  of  a  piece  of  property, 
a  mill,  or  a  block  of  buildings,  has  only  to  pay  one  tax 
upon  it. 

The  property  owned  thus,  in  shares,  goes  under  the 
name  of  personal  property.  Since  the  certificates,  bonds, 
or  notes  are  private  papers,  locked  up  out  of  sight,  the 
assessors  cannot  determine  how  much  property  any  one 
has  in  this  form,  unless  each  citizen  makes  a  correct 
report.  If  any  citizen  fails  to  make  such  a  report,  the 
burden  of  taxation  is  thrown  upon  those  who  make  a 
truthful  report,  who  thus  are  obliged  to  pay  more  than 
their  share.  The  laws  about  taxing  such  personal  property 
vary  in  the  different  States.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  has 
been  found  that  such  taxes  are  hard  to  collect,  and  tempt 
men  either  to  be  negligent  or  dishonorable  about  bearing 
their  public  burdens. 

The  single  or  land  tax.  —  In  some  countries  the  govern- 
ment or  the  king  has  claimed  to  own  all  the  land.  This 
was  the  custom  in  many  parts  of  India.  The  rent  of  the 
land  was  thus  the  government  tax.  In  Russia,  also,  and 
in  many  half-civilized  countries,  the  commune,  or  village, 
or  tribe,  own  all  the  land  in  common.  This  was,  perhaps, 
the  most  ancient  form  of  possession.  We  can  imagine 
that  when  the  first  settlers  came  to  America,  the  royal 
government  might  likewise  have  kept  the  ownership  of 
the  land,  and  rented  it  to  the  settlere.  When  the  govern- 
ment was  changed  and  vested  in  the  people,  the  nation 
would  then  have  owned  all  the  land ;  and  every  individual 
would  have  rented  what  he  needed  to  use,  of  the  nation. 
The  taxes  would  thus  have  fallen  in  the  form  of  rent. 
There  are  those  who  think  that  this  way  of  raising  the 


THE  TBEASURY  AND  THE  TAXES.         97 

taxes  would  be  easier  and  simpler  than  present  methods ; 
they  therefore  advocate  a  tax  on  land,  and  nothing  else, 
precisely  as  though  the  nation  owned  and  rented  the  land. 
No  one  would  then  be  able  to  hold  land  without  actually 
using  it,  or  to  buy  great  tracts  of  land,  or  house-lots, 
merely  to  make  money  by  selling  them  again. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  same  vast  amount  of  money 
would  still  have  to  be  raised.  The  people  of  the  poorer 
country  districts  would  perhaps  need  more  money  for 
schools  and  other  expenses,  than  the  amount  of  the  rent  of 
their  lands.  The  management  of  the  rents,  and  the  fair 
division  of  the  needed  funds,  would  be  likely,  at  last,  to 
fall  upon  the  central  or  national  government.  This  would 
involve  a  change  in  the  whole  theory  of  our  government, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  desired  to  train  the  people  of 
each  State  and  town  to  responsibility  about  their  own 
affairs. 

Besides,  if  the  government  took  all  the  rent,  the  pres- 
ent owners  of  the  land  would  suffer  the  same  loss,  as 
though  their  property  had  been  taken  away  from  them. 
The  truth  is  that  the  nation  bearing  the  taxes  is  like  a 
creature  carrying  a  burden.  You  wish  to  fix  the  burden 
so  equally  as  to  make  the  least  strain.  If,  then,  you  ever 
change  the  position  of  the  burden,  you  must  be  careful 
not  to  bruise  and  injure  the  new  set  of  muscles. 

The  duties  of  assessors.  —  It  is  impossible  to  tell 
exactly  what  different  pieces  of  property  in  a  town  are 
worth.  One  man  might  set  the  value  too  high,  and 
another  too  low.  Several  men,  therefore,  constitute  the 
Board  of  Assessors,  so  that  their  different  judgments  shall 
correct  each  other.  If,  then,  the  assessors  endeavored,  as 
the  law  requires,  to  discover  the  true  value  of  every  one's 
property,  the  taxes  would  fall  pretty  fairly  on  every  one ; 


98  THE   AAIERICAN    CITIZEN. 

as  the  prices  of  goods  fall  on  all  alike,  although  it  is 
always  harder  for  some  to  pay  than  for  others.  If,  how- 
ever, as  often  happens,  the  assessors  fail  to  tax  any 
piece  of  property  for  its  true  value,  this  brings  an  unjust 
burden  on  every  one  else.  Thus,  in  many  cities,  men 
have  been  permitted  by  the  assessors  to  hold  lands  at  a 
lower  tax  than  the  real  value.  .The  few  have  thus  been 
enabled  to  grow  rich  by  the  rise  of  the  lands,  at  the 
expense  of  the  many.  So,  too,  throughout  the  State,  if 
every  board  of  assessors  did  their  duty,  and  told  the  true 
value  of  the  property  in  each  town,  no  town  would  have 
to  pay  more  than  its  share  for  the  expenses  of  the  State. 
If,  however,  the  assessors  of  any  town  deliberately  tax 
their  own  townspeople  for  only  one-half  of  the  true  value 
of  their  property,  while  more  faithful  assessors  in  another 
town  tax  the  true  value  of  their  property,  the  latter  town 
is  made  to  bear  an  unfair  proportion  of  the  public  burden. 

The  poll  tax.  —  There  is  in  many  States  a  small  tax 
which  is  levied  equally  upon  all  men  from  twenty  years 
old,  whether  they  have  property  or  not,  also  upon  women 
in  case  they  are  voters.  This  might  be  called  the  voter's 
tax.  Since  it  often  is  not  paid,  and  sometimes  prevents 
poor  citizens  from  voting,  or  again  tempts  candidates  for 
office  to  pay  it  in  behalf  of  their  supporters ;  and  since  it  is 
rather  expensive  in  its  collection,  many  think  the  poll  tax 
unwise.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  held  that  every  citizen 
who  votes  ought  to  be  willing  to  pay  something  directly 
into  the  public  treasury. 

Licenses,  fees,  etc.  —  There  are  certain  occupations, 
for  example,  that  of  a  pedler  or  a  pawnbroker,  for  which 
it  is  well  that  the  persons  enjoying  them  shall  be  registered 
and  take  out  a  license.  They  should  therefore  pay  some 
fee  to  cover  the  expense  of  the  registration  office.    Owners 


THE  TREASURY  AND  THiS  TAXES.  99 

of  dogs,  also,  are  obliged  to  pay  a  fee.  There  are  certain 
public  privileges  which  may  fairly  demand  a  payment  in 
return  to  the  public.  Thus,  if  a  street  railway  enjoys  the 
use  of  the  public  highways,  it  is  just  that  it  should  pay  for 
its  franchise,  that  is,  its  right  to  use  the  streets.  Since, 
however,  the  fares  have  to  be  sufficient  to  enable  the  com- 
pany to  pay  their  taxes,  the  amounts  thus  raised  are  apt  to 
come  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  people,  and  are  a  kind  of 
indirect  tax.  Precisely  as  when  the  owner  of  a  tenement 
house,  after  paying,  we  will  suppose,  a  thousand  dollars  for 
the  taxes,  may  fix  his  rents  so  that  the  occupants  of  the 
house  share  the  tax,  and  pay  each  a  few  dollars  a  year  on 
account  of  it.  Thus  no  tax  can  be  levied  or  increased 
without  making  itself  felt  somewhere  in  the  expenses  of 
the  people. 

Liquor  licenses.  —  In  many  States  the  sale  of  intoxi- 
cating drinks  requires  a  license,  and  since  a  large  amount 
of  crime  and  accident  and  public  loss  comes  through  these 
drinks,  a  fee — in  some  cities  as  high  as  a  thousand  dollars 
or  more  — is  required  to  be  paid  for  the  purchase  of  the 
license.  The  liquor  dealer,  of  course,  pays  the  tax  as  he 
pays  his  rent,  but  he  expects  to  get  his  money  back  from 
the  people  who  buy  of  him.  Of  course,  whenever  a  license 
is  granted  for  any  kind  of  business,  the  people  are  under- 
stood to  authorize  it  as  rightful.  If  the  business  is  inju- 
rious, they  then  become  responsible  for  it. 

The  taxes  for  the  nation.  —  The  taxes  for  the  national 
government  are  separate  from  all  others.  They  are  usually 
indirect;  that  is,  they  are  not  assessed  upon  individuals 
according  to  the  value  of  their  property  or  their  income. 
The  government  has  a  right  to  lay  a  direct  tax,  and  in  the 
Civil  War  actually  levied  an  income  tax  upon  all  citizens 
whose  salary  or  income  was  above  a  thousand  dollars  a  year. 


100  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

In  ordinary  times,  however,  the  nation  raises  its  moneys 
partly  by  taxes  upon  articles  which  are  imported  from  for- 
eign countries.  In  every  seaport,  therefore,  there  is  a  cus- 
tom-house with  a  collector  and  other  officers,  if  necessary,  to 
levy  these  duties.  The  merchants  who  sell  the  goods  then 
make  the  price  high  enough  to  repay  them  for  the  cost  and 
trouble  of  the  tax.  Whoever  uses  the  goods  thus  helps 
pay  the  tax  according  to  the  amount  which  he  uses.  If, 
for  example,  the  duty  on  sugar  were  two  cents  a  pound, 
and  a  man's  family  used  one  hundred  pounds  in  a  year,  he 
would  pay  tw^o  dollars  in  taxes. 

The  internal  revenue.  —  Another  part  of  the  revenue 
of  the  government  comes  from  a  tax  upon  various  articles 
produced  or  manufactured  in  this  country,  such  as  tobacco 
and  spirits.  This  is  called  the  internal  revenue.  As  be- 
fore, the  producer  or  manufacturer  first  pays  this  tax  and 
puts  a  higher  price  upon  the  article  when  he  sells  it.  Thus 
the  people  pay  the  indirect  tax  in  the  end,  since  each  man 
who  buys  a  pound  of  tobacco  pays  a  tax  as  a  part  of  the 
price.  The  manufacturer  or  producer  only  collects  the  tax 
for  the  government  and  assesses  it  when  he  sells  his 
tobacco. 

The  government  also  has  extensive  lands  from  which, 
as  they  are  sold,  an  income  is  derived.  In  some  countries, 
as  in  Germany,  the  government  derives  a  revenue  from  the 
mines  and  the  timber  in  the  forests.  The  money  from  these 
sources,  however,  must  come  in  the  end  from  the  labor  of 
the  people,  who  have  to  pay  for  the  land,  the  ores  and 
coal,  and  the  timber. 

In  the  case  of  th»  post-office,  or  when,  as  in  some  Euro- 
pean countries,  the  government  manages  the  telegraph  or 
railroads,  the  people  evidently  pay  in  postage,  or  fares,  or 
freight,  for  what  they  use  or  enjoy.     So  in  the  water  rates. 


THE  TREASURY  AND  THE  TAXES.        101 

when  the  city  provides  water,  or  the  gas  bills,  if  the  city 
manufactures  the  gas.  All  the  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment ought  to  go  in  some  way  towards  procuring  benefit, 
health,  safety,  or  convenience. 

The  source  of  all  taxes.  —  The  cost  of  all  the  work  of 
the  government,  national  and  local,  throughout  the  coun- 
try, may  be  roughly  estimated  as  equal  to  the  constant 
labor  of  a  million  workmen.  All  the  produce  of  the  nation 
may  be  likened  to  a  vast  pyramid  of  wealth  which  the 
labor  and  the  skill  of  the  people  have  brought  together. 
This  pyramid  of  produce  is  supposed  to  be  greater  for  an 
honest  government.  The  living  of  the  million  men  and 
women  who  do  the  work  for  the  government,  that  is,  for 
all  the  people,  must,  therefore,  come  out  of  the  common 
product.  And  while  the  average  amount  of  (say)  ten  dol- 
lars a  year  seems  at  first  to  be  deducted  from  the  share  of 
each  inhabitant,  the  share  left  to  each  ought  to  be  greater 
on  account  of  the  benefits  that  the  government  secures ; 
as  the  amount  that  each  spends  for  tools,  so  far  from  mak- 
ing him  poorer,  enables  him  to  earn  more  money  than  if 
he  had  no  tools. 

Exemptions  from  taxes.  —  It  is  evident  that  the  taxes 
ought  to  be  shared  by  all.  But  it  is  fair,  if  the  citizens 
generally  agree,  to  free  or  exempt  from  taxation  certain 
kinds  of  property,  like  colleges,  hospitals,  or  churches, 
which  are  not  for  private  gain.  Such  kinds  of  property, 
somewhat  like  parks  or  public  libraries,  are  for  the  interest 
of  the  whole  people  and  really  add  to  the  public  wealth  of 
a  city  or  State.  There  would  be  no  object,  then,  by  taxing 
them  to  make  them  cost  more,  or  to  discourage  persons 
from  providing  them.  If,  however,  any  such  property  ever 
ceased  to  be  for  the  public  interest,  or  was  managed  merely 
for  private  gain  or  pleasure,  it  ought  to  be  taxed. 


102  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  public  faith.  —  We  hold  every  man  to  his  prom- 
ises, and  especially  to  the  honest  payment  of  his  debts. 
Even  when  he  has  been  foolish  in  incurring  debt  or  has 
wasted  his  money,  we  think  it  unfair  that  he  should  make 
others  lose  on  his  account.  So  with  the  promises  or  the  debts 
of  a  city  or  nation.  But  a  nation  lives  through  hundreds 
of  years.  It  may  happen  that  a  single  generation  makes 
difficult  promises  or  incurs  a  great  debt,  as  England  did  in 
the  war  with  Napoleon.  Perhaps  the  debt  may  have  been 
foolish,  and  through  the  fault  of  bad  government,  as  with 
some  of  the  Southern  States  after  the  Civil  War.  In  this 
case  it  may  not  at  first  seem  to  be  just  that  the  people  of 
a  new  generation  should  be  taxed  to  keep  promises  which 
others  had  wrongfully  made.  But  when  we  think  more 
carefully,  we  see  that  the  people  who  have  inherited  the 
institutions  and  the  public  property  of  a  state  ought  also 
to  make  good  its  promises  and  obligations ;  as  one  who 
inherited  his  grandfather's  estate  should  be  willing  to  pay 
his  debts.  This  is  not  only  right,  but,  as  usual,  what  is 
right  proves  in  the  long  run  to  be  also  wise.  For  a  state 
that  always  keeps  its  promises  and  pays  its  debts  has 
credit,  or,  in  other  words,  is  trusted,  and  can  borrow  money, 
if  necessity  arises,  as  France,  England,  and  the  United 
States  easily  can,  at  a  very  low  rate ;  whereas  a  state 
which  does  not  keep  its  promises  loses  its  credit,  and  its 
citizens  get  a  dishonest  name. 


THE  SCHOOL  SYSTEM.  103 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE   SCHOOL   SYSTEM. 

The  theory  of  our  government  is  that,  since  the  citizens 
ure  the  rulers,  every  young  person  ought  at  least  to  be 
well  enough  educated  to  make  an  intelligent  citizen,  or,  in 
other  words,  to  be  able,  when  summoned  to  vote,  to  know 
what  he  votes  for.  He  ought  at  least  to  be  able  to  read, 
or  he  might  not  be  sure  that  he  used  the  ballot  which  he 
intended.  Neither  unless  he  could  inform  himself  upon 
the  questions  at  issue,  such  as  the  tariff,  free  trade,  etc., 
could  he  be  expected  to  decide  understandingly  to  which 
oi  the  great  political  parties  he  wished  to  belong.  Besides, 
the  better  educated  and  the  more  skilful  people  are,  the 
more  prosperous  their  nation  becomes. 

The  common  wealth.  —  There  is  another  reason  why  we 
desire  the  education  of  all  children.  It  is  that  every  one 
may  have  equal  access  to  that  large  part  of  the  common 
wealth  which  consists  in  thoughts,  ideas,  inventions,  and 
the  arts,  the  discoveries  of  science,  and  the  control  over 
the  forces  of  nature.  This  common  wealth  of  knowledge, 
to  which  learning  is  the  key,  is  worth  more  to  the  nation 
than  all  the  goods  and  buildings  in  the  land.  It  is  through 
the  wealth  in  thoughts  and  ideas  that  the  other  kinds  of 
wealth  are  created  and  men  learn  the  secrets  of  happiness. 
This  larger  and  more  precious  part  of  the  resources  of  the 
nation  ought  to  be  within  the  reach  of  the  poor  as  well  as 
the  rich.     The  child  who  has  knowledge  without  money 


104  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

will  thus  be  better  off  than  one  who  has  money  without 
knowledge. 

Free  schools.  —  Schools  are,  therefore,  provided  by  law 
in  every  State,  and  children  are  usually  required  to  at- 
tend for  a  certain  term  in  each  year,  up  to  perhaps  the 
age  of  fourteen  years.  They  are  also  encouraged  to  con- 
tinue at  school  longer,  and  high  and  normal  schools  are 
provided  for  them.  These  higher  schools  are  expected 
to  furnish  teachers  for  the  common  schools,  as  well  as  to 
educate  those  who  shall  be  leaders  of  public  opinion  and 
from  whom  we  may  obtain  suitable  officers  for  our  govern- 
ment. The  education  is  not  only  in  books.  Many  of  the 
States  also  encourage  manual  training,  or  the  education 
of  the  hand  and  eye,  so  that  boys  and  girls  shall  be  skilled 
to  take  up  trades  and  to  understand  the  varied  industries 
which  the  nation  carries  on.  Most  States  support  agri- 
cultural colleges,  where  the  best  methods  of  farming  are 
taught.  Grants  of  valuable  public  lands  have  been  made 
by  Congress  to  the  States  for  the  endowment  of  these 
colleges. 

The  higher  education.  —  In  some  States,  as  Michigan, 
in  addition  to  high  schools  in  the  larger  places,  education 
in  the  higher  branches,  including  law  and  medicine,  is  pro- 
vided by  a  state  university.  Many  States,  in  order  to 
encourage  education,  have  made  special  grants  to  private 
academies  or  colleges  ;  somewhat  as  the  national  govern- 
ment, in  order  to  secure  education  as  fast  as  possible  for  the 
Indians,  has  voted  appropriations  to  schools  among  them, 
under  the  care  of  private  individuals  or  societies.  But 
such  schools  are  commonly  sectarian ;  and  since  it  is  unjust 
to  help  Methodist  schools,  for  instance,  and  not  to  help 
Catholic  schools  equallj'-,  and  since  it  is  often  hard  to 
judge  fairly  between  the  claims  of  rival  institutions,  many 


THE  SCHOOL   SYSTEM.  106 

hold  that  public  money  ought  only  to  be  given  to  public 
schools,  and  not  at  all  to  schools  from  the  control  of  which 
any  citizen  could  be  excluded  for  his  opinions. 

What  the  public  schools  should  not  teach.  —  It  is 
unfair  that  any  teacher  who  is  employed  at  the  common 
expense  should  urge  his  religious  opinions,  or  indeed  any 
of  his  private  opinions,  upon  the  children  of  parents  who 
may  think  differently ;  it  would  not  be  fair  for  a  teacher 
who  was  supported  by  all  the  people  to  try  to  persuade  the 
children  of  Democrats  to  become  Republicans.  Otherwise 
the  public  schools  would  become  private,  or  sectarian,  or 
partisan.  There  are  some  subjects,  therefore,  on  which 
men  differ  widely,  which  are  not  well  fitted  for  use  in 
the  public  schools.  But  it  is  always  right,  upon  such 
subjects  as  the  schools  consider,  to  teach  the  facts,  since 
every  right-minded  person  must  wish  to  know  the  truth, 
and  no  one  need  fear  that  truth  will  do  harm. 

The  teaching  force.  —  Besides  thousands  of  regular 
paid  teachers,  there  are  other  officers  whose  business  it  is  to 
look  after  the  schools.  There  is  thus  a  National  Bureau  of 
Education,  which  collects  the  facts  about  education  through- 
out the  country.  The  State  also  has  its  board  of  education 
appointed  by  the  governor.  Cities  and  towns  or  counties 
or  groups  of  towns  have  their  superintendents  or  supervis- 
ors of  education,  who  are  appointed  to  aid  the  teachers 
and  inform  them  of  the  best  methods.  Committees,  gener- 
ally unpaid,  and  sometimes  school  agents,  are  elected  in 
each  locality  to  represent  the  people  in  the  care  of  the 
schools,  to  appoint  teachers,  and  to  advise  about  the  need- 
ful expenditures.  The  schools  are  also  open  for  the  public 
to  visit.  If  they  fail  to  serve  their  purpose,  it  must  there- 
fore be  through  the  fault  or  neglect  of  the  people  them- 
selves. 


106  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

Women  in  the  control  of  the  schools.  —  In  some  States 
women,  who  do  not  otherwise  vote,  are  invited  to  share 
in  the  election  of  the  school  committees.  They  are  also 
made  eligible  for  the  various  boards  of  education.  This 
is  not  only  because  the  majority  of  teachers  are  women, 
but  because  it  is  expected  that  women  generally,  and 
mothers  especially,  will  take  a  deep  and  intelligent  inter- 
est in  education. 

The  cost  of  the  schools.  —  It  is  estimated  that  more 
than  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars,  or 
about  one-fifth  of  all  the  taxes,  is  expended  upon  schools. 
The  schoolhouses  are  built  and  furnished  by  the  town  or 
district,  but  the  State  treasury  assists  poorer  towns  to  pay 
for  their  teachers.  The  interest  in  education  and  the 
system  pursued  vary  much  in  different  States.  Thus  in 
Alabama,  which  has  a  large  population  of  poor  people, 
the  amount  appropriated  gives  an  average  of  only  one 
dollar  and  a  quarter  to  each  child  in  the  State;  or  less 
than  two  dollars  and  a  half  for  each  scholar  actually  en- 
rolled. In  the  city  of  Boston  the  average  cost  of  each 
scholar  is  over"  twenty-eight  dollars  a  year.  This  shows 
the  cost  which  the  community  bears  for  the  sake  of  having 
good  citizens. 

Public  and  private  schools.  —  There  are  many  schools, 
academies,  and  colleges  supported  by  individuals,  who  pay 
for  the  tuition  of  their  children  ;  or  supported  by  an  endow- 
ment fund,  under  the  care  of  trustees.  Sometimes  the 
private  school  is  established  by  some  church  or  religious 
denomination.  Its  teaching  may  or  may  not  be  as  thorough 
as  in  public  schools  of  the  same  grade.  Since,  however,  in 
a  republic  all  must  live,  act,  and  vote  on  equal  terms  as  fel- 
low-citizens, it  seems  desirable  that,  at  least  during  some 
part  of  the  course   of  instruction,  all  shall  be  educated 


THE   SCHOOL  SYSTEM.  107 

together.  The  citizens  will  thus  become  better  acquainted 
with  each  other,  and  will  be  likely  to  be  more  fair  and 
tolerant. 

The  parents  who  pay  for  tuition  in  private  schools  are 
required  also  to  pay  their  share  of  the  taxes  for  the  free 
schools.  This  is  because  it  is  for  the  good  of  all  to  sup- 
port the  schools  rather  than  to  allow  children  to  grow  up 
in  ignorance  ;  precisely  as  it  is  for  the  general  good  to 
have  police  and  courts,  although  some  are  rich  enough  to 
have  private  watchmen,  and  others  may  not  need  a  police- 
man at  all.  In  other  words,  it  is  believed  that,  upon  the 
whole,  the  community  is  better  off  for  providing  free 
schools,  and  requiring  the  attendance  at  these  schools,  of 
all  children  who  are  not  provided  for  in  some  other  way. 


108  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  CIVIL  SERVICE   AND  THE   OFFICES. 

Besides  the  army  and  navy,  of  which  the  President  is 
commander-in-chief,  the  administration  of  the  country  re- 
quires a  large  force  of  persons,  men  and  women,  who  are 
employed  in  the  various  departments  of  the  public  service 
as  postmasters,  clerks,  accountants,  inspectors,  and  keep- 
ers of  supplies  of  every  sort.  These  persons  constitute 
what  is  called  the  Civil  Service.  There  is  also  a  similar 
civil  service  in  every  State.  In  the  cities  and  towns  there 
is  likewise  a  list  of  officials, — the  police  or  constables,  the 
fire  department,  the  men  who  care  for  the  streets,  and  the 
water  supply,  and  many  others.  The  public  health  and 
safety  depend  on  the  honesty  and  faithfulness  of  the  per- 
sons who  make  up  the  civil  service.  While  it  is  evident 
that  the  head  of  any  department,  who  is  responsible  for  its 
conduct,  should  be  able  to  displace  an  inefficient  subor- 
dinate, on  the  other  hand,  a  good  officer  ought  to  keep 
his  place  as  long  as  he  remains  faithful.  It  is  therefore 
injurious  to  the  public  service  when  a  President  or  mayor 
is  able  to  turn  out  good  officers,  or  to  use  the  offices  for 
rewarding  his  personal  or  political  friends.  It  is  as  though 
the  captain  of  a  great  steamer  were  to  turn  out  good  engi- 
neers and  firemen  for  the  sake  of  giving  berths  to  inex- 
perienced relations  of  his  own. 

Civil  service  reform.  —  Many  years  ago  great  abuses 
had  arisen  in  England  through  the  favoritism  of  the  chief 


THE   CIVIL   SERVICE   AND  THE   OFFICES.  109 

officers  of  the  government.  No  one,  however  faithful  and 
competent,  could  obtain  a  situation  in  government  employ 
unless  he  had  a  friend  in  office.  The  heads  of  departments 
of  business,  like  the  post-office,  sometimes  appointed  their 
own  relations  to  fill  places  where  they  drew  pay  without 
doing  work.  Even  in  the  army  one  had  to  pay  money  in 
order  to  get  an  office.  Thus  the  men  in  power  used  the 
offices  as  if  they  were  their  own  property  instead  of  a 
public  charge.  This  was  called  patronage.  It  meant  that 
the  great  officers,  such  as  the  ministers  of  government, 
were  allowed  to  give  places  away  for  their  own  benefit, 
or  to  reward  services  to  their  party,  or  even  for  money ; 
whereas  the  places  belonged  to  the  people,  to  be  filled  by 
those  only  who  would  be  the  most  faithful  public  servants. 

The  abuse  of  patronage  led  to  such  evils  of  waste,  ex- 
travagance, and  inefficiency,  besides  injustice  to  faithful 
men,  that  the  Parliament  at  last  made  new  and  strict  rules 
for  the  officers  of  the  civil  service.  No  official  should  be 
displaced  as  long  as  he  did  his  duty.  New  appointments 
should  be  made  on  the  ground  of  merit,  and  from  a  list  of 
those  who  had  passed  a  satisfactory  examination  for  the 
place  to  be  filled ;  and  vacancies  in  the  higher  places 
should  be  filled  so  far  as  possible  from  those  who  had  done 
well  in  the  subordinate  places.  Thus  the  rules  made  it 
worth  while  for  any  officer  to  earn  his  promotion. 

A  bad  civil  service  in  America.  —  During  the  early 
administrations  under  Washington  and  his  successors  re- 
movals from  office  were  rare.  The  founders  of  our  republic 
regarded  the  government  as  a  public  trust.  But  after  a 
while,  and  specially  in  the  presidency  of  Jackson,  the 
custom  came  in  of  using  the  offices  to  reward  the  political 
friends  of  the  party  in  power.  MeauAvhile  the  number  of 
offices  grew,  till  the  fortune  and  living  of  many  thousands 


110  THE  AMEKICAN   CITIZEN. 

of  people  depended  upon  winning  or  losing  a  presidential 
election.  For  each  great  party  came  to  believe  that, 
though  the  officers  must  be  paid  by  all  the  people,  yet 
the  places  and  the  pay  belonged  only  to  themselves.  As 
once  in  England,  no  faithful  officer  was  sure  of  holding 
his  place  if  the  other  party  came  into  power ;  neither  did 
useful  service  give  promise  of  promotion.  Moreover,  it 
became  the  custom  to  assess  office  holders,  and  even  letter- 
carriers  and  clerks,  who  are  really  the  servants  of  all  the 
people,  to  pay  for  the  election  expenses  of  their  party. 
Thus  the  party  in  power  sought  to  keep  power  in  order 
to  hold  the  patronage,  rather  than  to  carry  out  any  serious 
policy  in  behalf  of  the  nation. 

The  office-seekers.  —  The  representatives  or  senators 
also  came  to  feel  that  the  offices  in  their  State  or  district 
belonged  to  them  to  give  away  to  their  friends.  Thus 
whenever  the  administration  of  government  was  changed 
or  a  new  President  was  elected,  old  and  experienced 
officials  were  turned  out  by  wholesale  that  the  party  in 
power  might  have  the  offices  and  the  salaries  for  their  own 
men,  who  often  had  no  experience.  The  time  of  the  heads 
of  government  was  largely  occupied  in  filling  vacancies 
from  a  horde  of  hungry  and  often  incapable  office-seekers. 
A  class  of  dangerous  men  arose  on  each  side,  who  lost 
sight  of  the  real  issues  between  parties  as  to  the  wise  con- 
duct of  government,  and  merely  plotted  and  struggled, 
either  to  keep  the  offices,  or  when  the  other  party  had 
captured  them  for  a  time,  to  recover  their  spoils.  This 
involved  great  waste  to  the  nation,  extravagant  expendi- 
ture, abuse  of  trust  funds,  as,  for  example,  the  funds  held 
for  the  Indian  tribes,  and  an  unhealthy  and  feverish  ex- 
citement over  elections. 

These   abuses   were   not  only  in  the   conduct  of  the 


THE  CIVIL  SERVICE   AND  THE  OFFICES.  Ill 

national  government,  but  they  discovered  themselves  also 
in  every  State  and  city.  Nowhere  is  there  greater  need 
of  wisdom,  fidelity,  and  experience,  than  in  the  manage- 
ment of  the  costly  business  of  a  city.  And  nowhere  did 
patronage  cause  more  frequent  and  injurious  demoraliza- 
tion of  public  employees  and  workmen. 

How  reform  came.  — A  true  reform  generally  commends 
itself  to  the  people  as  fast  as  they  understand  it.  For  they 
do  not  want  to  be  taxed  uselessly  or  to  fail  of  good  ser- 
vice. They  also,  like  the  boys  on  the  playground,  prefer 
to  see  justice  done,  and  do  not  love  those  who  play  tricks 
and  cheat  them.  When,  therefore,  a  few  patriotic  men 
are  willing  to  try  together  to  carry  any  needed  reform, 
they  can  usually  depend  upon  persuading  the  people  to 
support  them.  Especially  is  this  the  case  when  men  of 
opposite  parties  will  agree  to  let  their  party  differences 
drop,  in  order  to  secure  some  public  good. 

So  in  the  case  of  civil  service  reform.  The  best  men  of 
both  parties  accordingly  agreed  that  rules  ought  to  be 
made,  such  as  had  been  necessary  in  other  great  countries, 
to  give  the  civil  service  permanence,  and  to  fill  vacancies 
in  it  by  promotion  and  by  fair  examinations.  Few  men 
would  venture  to  vote  against  a  plan  so  just.  Suitable 
rules  have  therefore  been  made,  and  commissioners  to 
enforce  them  have  been  appointed  in  some  of  the  States, 
as  well  as  for  the  national  government,  with  the  intent 
that  the  civil  service  may  belong  to  the  people,  and  not 
merely  to  the  managers  of  the  party  which  happens  to 
hold  the  reins  of  power.  Whereas  once  it  often  happened, 
that  an  official  could  be  nominated  by  an  irresponsible 
saloon-keeper,  the  new  rules  require  candidates  for  a 
place,  whether  of  a  clerk,  inspector,  policeman,  or  lalx)rer, 
to  pass  a  just  examination  suited  to  the  character  of  the 


112  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

place,  and  conducted  under  the  care  of  the  commissioner. 
No  one  can  be  appointed  who  does  not  get  a  reasonable 
number  of  marks ;  neither  can  he  be  removed  without 
cause. 

What  remains  to  be  done.  —  The  larger  number  of 
offices  in  the  country  are  still  subject  to  the  old  abuses. 
A  good  Indian  agent  may  still  be  turned  out  to  give  place 
to  an  unfit  or  dangerous  man,  who  may  involve  a  tribe  in 
war.  Thousands  of  postmasters  are  subject  to  removal 
every  four  years.  The  time  of  the  President  and  the 
representatives  in  Congress  is  wasted  by  office-seekers. 
When  the  general  government  extends  civil-service  rules 
to  all  the  offices,  so  as  to  protect  every  faithful  employee ; 
when  it  requires  the  appointments  of  postmasters  and 
custom-house  collectors  to  be  made  during  good  behavior, 
and  not  as  now  for  only  four  years;  and  when  all  the 
States  have  established  civil-service  laws  for  the  benefit  of 
their  cities,  one  great  source  of  waste  and  injustice  will  be 
removed.  Until  this  is  done,  certain  kinds  of  work,  which 
many  think  that  the  government  ought  to  undertake,  such 
as  the  manufacture  of  gas,  and  the  control  of  street-rail- 
ways by  cities,  and  the  ownership  of  the  telegraphs  and 
railroads  by  the  nation,  cannot  even  be  thought  of. 

The  consular  and  diplomatic  service.  —  This  is  the 
branch  of  the  civil  service  which  concerns  our  relations 
with  foreign  nations.  It  is  the  custom  of  every  civilized 
nation  to  maintain  an  agent,  called  an  Embassador,  or 
Minister,  or  Consul-General,  at  the  capital  of  every  friendly 
nation.  This  agent  looks  out  for  the  interests  of  his 
government,  has  correspondence  with  the  office  of  the 
Secretary  of  State  in  Washington,  and  represents  the  rights 
of  his  fellow-citizens  abroad.  It  has  never  been  the  custom 
of  our  republic  to  send  Embassadors,  the  ministers  of  the 


THE  CIVIL   SERVICE  AND  THE   OFFICES.  113 

highest  rank,  such  as  kings  appoint;  foreign  governments 
do  not,  therefore,  send  them  to  us. 

There  is,  also,  a  consul  or  agent  at  most  of  the  great 
ports  or  centres  of  trade,  where  commerce  brings  men  of 
many  nations  together.  For  instance,  if  an  American 
citizen  were  to  be  unjustly  arrested  in  Liverpool,  he  would 
depend  upon  his  consul  for  help ;  or,  the  consul  would 
see  that  shipwrecked  American  sailors  were  cared  for. 
The  foreign  ministers,  consuls,  and  their  various  clerks 
make  up  the  diplomatic  service.  This  service  needs  men 
of  experience,  conversant  with  the  laws  and  customs  of 
the  foreign  nation,  and  able  to  speak  its  language.  Such 
men  are  generally  chosen  by  the  governments  of  foreign 
countries,  who  often  maintain  a  permanent  force  of  trained 
men  to  manage  this  business.  Our  own  government,  how- 
ever, for  want  of  a  sound  civil  service,  has  often  suffered 
at  the  hands  of  incapable  or  negligent  persons,  ignorant 
of  the  language  of  the  country  to  which  they  have  been 
sent,  who  have  owed  their  appointments  in  the  consular 
service  to  partisan  work  in  helping  to  get  votes  for  some 
congressman. 

Rotation  in  office.  —  There  are  two  ideas  in  vogue 
about  office.  One  idea  is  that  it  is  a  private  perquisite  or 
privilege,  which  ought  to  "  go  around "  and  be  shared  by 
as  many  persons  as  possible.  Every  boy  in  the  class,  for 
example,  ought,  if  possible,  to  have  a  chance  as  the  captain 
or  president  of  the  class.  A  new  set  of  men  should  be 
made  selectmen  every  year.  So  the  representative  or 
senator  should  not  hold  more  than  one  term,  or  at  most, 
not  more  than  two  terms.  Even  a  judge  should  give 
place  to  another  man.  In  short,  the  offices  should  be  used 
for  the  pleasure  or  profit  of  as  many  individual  citizens 
as  possible.     This  is  rotation  in  office.    We  have  already 


114  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

seen  the  harm  that  it  may  do  to  the  civil  service.  The 
winning  of  the  offices  becomes  like  a  game  of  grab.  The 
ancient  Greek  method  of  choosing  officers  by  lot  would  be 
fairer  and  more  decent  than  this. 

The  other  and  sound  idea  of  office  is  to  secure  the  best 
possible  service  of  the  people.  What  the  office  is  for,  is 
that  the  public  business  may  be  done  most  economically  and 
efficiently.  With  this  idea  the  people  could  not  afford, 
if  they  had  found  a  faithful  officer,  to  let  liim  go.  If  the 
present  board  of  selectmen  or  the  school  committee  worked 
well,  they  would  prefer  to  keep  them.  If  their  senator 
had  learned  how  to  conduct  the  public  business,  they 
would  return  him  to  Washington,  instead  of  sending  an 
inexperienced  man.  If  the  mayor  was  capable  and  dis- 
interested, they  would  re-elect  him  as  long  as  he  would 
serve  them.  This  is  what  men  do  wlio  \vish  their  mill  or 
their  bank  to  be  a  success.  They  keep  a  good  officer  as 
long  as  he  will  stay.  But  they  dismiss  inefficient  men, 
till  they  find  one  whom  they  can  trust. 

An  exception.  —  The  office  of  the  President,  as  we  have 
seen,  has  never  been  filled  by  any  one  for  more  than  two 
terms.  This  is  partly  on  account  of  the  example  of  Wash- 
ington, who  refused  to  be  re-elected  to  a  third  term.  There 
is  also  a  sense  of  distrust,  lest  supreme  power  become  a 
means  of  temptation  in  the  hands  of  a  President  who 
might  hope  for  continued  re-election.  Neither  is  the 
nature  of  our  government  such  that,  in  ordinary  times, 
any  one  man  would  be  likely  to  administer  its  affairs  bet- 
ter than  some  other  man  who  might  be  chosen. 

Candidates  and  their  place  of  residence.  —  There  are 
two  ideas  in  vogue  about  the  candidate  for  an  office.  One 
idea  is  that  he  ought  to  be  a  resident  in  the  town  or  city 
or  district  that  chooses  him  to  office.    It  is  as  though  men, 


THE  CIVIL  SERVICE  AND  THE  OFFICES.  115 

being  about  to  erect  a  town  hall,  should  decide  that  they 
must  choose  their  architect  from  their  own  fellow-towns- 
men. This  is  like  the  idea  that  the  oflBce  is  for  the  sake 
of  the  individual.  Men  accordingly  think  that  their  town 
ought  to  take  its  turn  in  furnishing  a  representative  to  the 
legislature,  or  their  ward  of  the  city  ought  to  have  the 
mayor.  With  this  idea  the  representative  to  Congress 
must  reside  in  the  district  which  elects  him,  even  though 
a  much  abler  man,  who  could  serve  the  district  better, 
could  be  found  in  another  part  of  the  State.  Thus  often  a 
weak  man  is  chosen  because  he  is  a  resident  of  the  district, 
who  must  shortly  give  way  to  another  weak  man,  because 
he  lives  in  the  other  end  of  the  district. 

The  opposite  idea  is  that,  since  the  oflBce  is  not  for  the 
man,  but  for  the  people,  they  wish  the  best  and  strongest 
man  whom  they  can  secure.  The  people  will  chose  their 
fellow-citizen  as  architect,  if  he  is  a  good  architect.  But 
they  want  the  best  possible  town  hall,  and  they  will,  there- 
fore, send  to  New  York  or  Boston  for  an  architect,  provided 
they  can  thus  have  a  better  building.  So  the  people  will 
choose  a  mayor  from  their  own  ward,  if  he  will  make  the 
best  mayor ;  but  if  the  other  ward  will  give  them  a  more 
capable  man,  they  will  certainly  choose  him  in  preference. 
Or  if  they  can  find  a  disinterested  and  patriotic  man  from 
another  part  of  the  State  to  represent  them  in  Washington, 
they  will  take  care  to  get  the  best  possible  service.  The 
law  wisely  allows  liberty  of  choice  within  certain  limits, 
although  the  politicians  have  so  far  established  the  con- 
trary custom.  For  there  is  no  one  whom  the  small  parti- 
san managers  more  dread  than  a  fearless  public  servant 
who  only  aims  to  serve  the  people. 


116  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

VOTING. 

Viva  voce.  —  The  simplest  and  quickest  form  of  voting, 
used  sometimes  in  the  schoolroom,  is  by  the  voice,  or  viva 
voce ;  when  those  in  favor  of  a  measure  say  Aye  or  Yes, 
and  those  opposed  say  Nay  or  No.  But  it  sometimes  hap- 
pens in  this  case  that  the  smaller  number  seem  to  make 
more  noise  than  the  others,  or  the  chairman  may  be  charged 
with  prejudice  or  unfairness  in  declaring  the  vote  in  favor 
of  his  own  side. 

The  show  of  hands.  —  Another  simple  and  more  accu- 
rate mode  of  voting  is  to  ask  each  side,  the  ayes  and  the 
noes  in  turn,  to  raise  their  right  hands  till  they  can  be 
counted  by  the  clerk  or  secretary  ;  or,  if  the  numbers  are 
large,  by  tellers ;  or,  since  hands  are  not  always  seen,  and 
a  dishonest  person  might  raise  both  hands,  each  side  may 
be  asked  to  rise  and  stand  till  it  is  counted.  If  a  vote 
of  the  voice  is  doubted  by  any  one,  it  is  usual  to  ask  for 
the  counting  of  the  votes.  Sometimes,  as  in  Congress,  at 
the  wish  of  a  fifth  of  those  present,  the  names  of  the  voters 
are  called  in  order  so  that  it  is  known  precisely  how  each 
one  votes;  or,  whether  any  are  absent  so  as  not  to  be 
counted.  In  the  English  Parliament  the  ayes  go  over  to 
one  side  of  the  hall,  and  the  noes  go  to  the  other  side. 
This  is  the  division  of  the  liouse. 

The  ballot.  —  Men  are  sometimes  timid  and  do  not  like 
to  express  their  opinion  openly,  for  fear  that  it  may  be 


VOTING.  117 

unpopular,  or  lest  some  unfriendly  person  may  resent  their 
vote.  Workmen  do  not  always  like  to  vote  openly  against 
their  employers.  It  is  often,  indeed,  a  very  delicate  mat- 
ter to  choose  among  a  number  of  candidates  for  an  office, 
some  of  whom  may  be  personal  friends,  and  yet  unfitted 
for  the  place.  When  many  officers  have  to  be  chosen  at 
once,  it  is  also  a  matter  of  convenience  to  have  their  names 
written  or  printed.  The  ballot  is  the  written  or  printed 
vote.  The  word  means  strictly  a  little  ball,  and  in  many 
clubs  or  societies  black  balls  and  white  are  still  used  to 
vote  with ;  as  the  Greeks  used  shells  on  certain  occasions. 
The  ballot  permits  the  secret  expression  of  a  voter's  opin- 
ion, who  might  not  otherwise  like  to  have  his  vote  known. 
It  therefore  protects  timid  persons  and  encourages  them 
to  vote  as  they  really  think. 

The  ballot  is  not  so  well  fitted  for  a  representative  body 
like  Congress,  where  it  is  desirable  that  every  member 
shall  be  openly  responsible  to  the  people  who  choose  him, 
and  who  wish,  therefore,  to  know  how  he  acts. 

Fair  election  laws.  —  The  written  ballot  is  not  enough 
to  secure  a  fair  vote.  Various  rules  are  necessary,  espe- 
cially if  there  are  a  multitude  of  voters,  some  of  whom  are 
ignorant,  and  some  even  dishonorable.  Thus  it  must  be 
provided  that  no  one  shall  vote  in  two  places,  as  for  exam- 
ple, in  two  different  wards  of  a  city,  and  that  no  one  shall 
bring  in  strangers  to  vote. 

For  this  purpose  the  names  of  all  the  qualified  voters  of 
a  town,  a  ward,  or  a  district  are  printed  beforehand  on  a 
list.  As  soon  as  any  one  votes,  his  name  is  "  checked  off " 
the  list.  It  is  necessary  also  that  the  ballots  shall  be  care- 
fully prepared;  for  example,  if  Mr.  James  S.  Smith  is  the 
candidate,  the  name  John  Smith  should  not  be  printed 
instead ;    else    the    votes   could   not   fairly   be    counted. 


118  Tlifi  AMEKICAisr   CITIZEN. 

Candidates  have  often  spent  a  great  deal  of  money  to  be 
elected,  and  have  paid  their  agents  to  put  their  own  ballots 
into  men's  hands,  or  to  try  to  persuade  voters  to  change 
their  votes  at  the  polls  or  voting-place,  and  even  worse, 
have  sometimes  bribed  dishonest  and  careless  citizens  to 
give  their  vote  for  a  present,  a  ride,  a  drink,  a  dinner,  or 
money.  Men  have  also  been  employed  at  the  polls  to 
watch  the  ballots  and  spy  out  what  kind  of  vote  each  voter 
put  into  the  box.  Sometimes  the  officers  in  charge  of  the 
election  have  been  false  to  their  trust,  and  permitted  fraud 
at  the  polls,  and  have  contrived  to  count  the  votes  wrong. 
Many  laws  have  therefore  been  passed  to  protect  the 
elections.  For  it  is  evident  that  if  cheating  at  elections 
were  permitted,  or  if  any  considerable  number  of  citizens 
were  willing  either  to  cheat  or  to  be  bribed,  popular  gov- 
ernment would  become  a  farce. 

The  Australian  ballot.  —  The  fairest  of  the  election 
laws  is  based  upon  methods  already  tried  in  England  and 
Australia.  It  secures  for  each  voter  the  privacy  of  a  littte 
stall  or  closet  in  preparing  his  ballot,  as  well  as  secrecy  in 
voting.  It  also  provides  the  votes  at  the  expense  of  the 
government,  so  that  no  candidate  or  party  can  have  excuse 
for  spending  money  in  an  election,  except  for  the  perfectly 
proper  purpose  of  holding  meetings  and  informing  the 
public.  It  allows  any  reasonable  number  of  citizens  to 
name  candidates,  besides  the  candidates  of  the  great  par- 
ties. It  prints  all  the  names  on  one  ticket,  so  that  the 
voter  can  choose  freely  for  himself.  The  voter  marks  a 
cross  (X)  against  the  names  which  he  chooses. 

The  elections.  —  The  great  election  for  President  comes 
at  a  fixed  time  in  November,  once  in  four  years.  The 
elections  for  members  of  Congress  in  each  district  come 
once  in  two  years.     So  with  many  of  the  State  govern- 


VOTING.  119 

ments.  Local  elections,  as  of  town  ofl&cers,  are  apt  to 
come  once  a  year.  Special  elections  of  any  sort  must  be 
appointed  with  due  public  notice,  so  that  no  one  need  to 
lose  his  right  to  be  present  and  vote.  In  towns  or  coun- 
ties voters  meet  in  a  common  place.  No  one  can  send  his 
vote  by  the  hand  of  another.  In  cities,  for  convenience, 
there  are  many  voting-places,  and  the  great  mass  of  the 
citizens  never  meet  at  the  polls.  There  are  various  special 
election  officers  who  serve  at  the  polls,  or  take  charge  of 
the  ballots  and  count  them.  They  must  be  fair  and  intel- 
ligent, or  else  wrong  will  be  done  and  the  votes  falsely 
counted.  They  are  paid  for  their  services.  In  a  national 
election  these  officers,  numbering  many  thousands,  are  paid 
by  the  United  States. 

Majority  and  plurality.  —  In  some  cases  the  law  re- 
quires a  majority  to  elect,  that  is,  more  than  half  of  the 
votes  cast.  It  is  unfortunate  that  any  important  officer 
should  be  elected  without  the  wish  of  at  least  half  of  the 
electors.  In  many  cases,  however,  the  candidate  may  be 
elected  by  a  plurality  of  votes,  that  is,  by  more  than  any 
one  else  has,  although  the  number  who  wish  his  election 
are  not  half  of  all  the  voters.  When  several  candidates 
are  in  the  field  for  the  same  office,  this  rule  sometimes 
allows  the  election  of  a  very  insignificant  man.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  saves  the  trouble  of  repeating  an  election 
in  order  to  secure  a  majority. 

Who  may  vote.  —  In  general,  all  the  men  twenty-one 
years  of  age  may  exercise  the  suffrage  or  the  right  to  vote. 
But  a  foreigner  must  be  naturalized,  that  is,  take  out 
certain  papers  showing  that  he  will  henceforth  be  an 
American  citizen.  One  must  also  have  been  a  resident 
in  the  country  for  a  certain  period,  and  also  in  the  State, 
as  well  as  in  the  town  where  he  wishes  to  vote.     Other- 


120  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

wise,  one  might  travel  at  election  times,  and  vote  in  two 
or  more  States.  Or  a  stranger  might  vote  before  he  under- 
stood the  questions  upon  which  he  was  voting.  The  laws 
of  the  States  differ  about  the  conditions  of  voting.  Most 
of  them  do  not  yet  require  the  voter  to  be  able  to  read 
and  write.  Others  allow  newcomers  to  vote  on  a  very 
short  residence.  Whoever  is  recognized  as  a  citizen  to 
vote  at  a  State  election  can  also  vote  in  the  same  State 
at  a  national  election.  But  no  one  can  vote  in  two  places ; 
even  though  a  man  owns  a  mill  in  Lowell,  and  pays  a 
large  tax,  he  can  have  no  vote  to  decide  how  the  money  of 
Lowell  shall  be  expended,  unless  he  resides  there. 

Property  suffrage  and  manhood  suffrage.  —  That  all 
men,  wherever  they  are  born,  should  have  equal  rights  in 
the  government  under  which  they  live,  is  a  new  idea  in 
the  world.  For  men  of  foreign  birth  used  to  be  treated 
with  suspicion,  as  outsiders.  It  was  also  thought  that  a 
man  ought  to  have  property  in  order  to  be  a  citizen. 
Many  of  our  States  once  had  laws  requiring  that  a  man 
should  own  a  certain  amount  of  property  to  entitle  him 
to  be  a  full  citizen.  There  are  those  who  still  hold 
that,  especially  in  town  or  city  affairs,  no  man  should 
be  allowed  to  vote,  at  least  on  questions  concerning  prop- 
erty, or  for  the  expenditure  of  money,  except  property- 
holders.  But  the  prevailing  American  idea  is,  that  every 
man  has  a  stake  or  interest  in  the  government;  since 
every  man,  however  poor,  directly  or  indirectly  helps  pay 
the  taxes,  and  is  oppressed  if  the  government  is  waste- 
ful or  extravagant.  The  American  idea,  therefore,  is  to 
trust  every  man  to  do  his  duty  by  the  government,  since 
a  man,  whether  rich  or  poor,  is  a  man  still.  The  State 
does  not  fear  the  votes  of  men  wlio  are  poor,  but  it  fears 
the  votes  of  dishonest  or  ignorant  men. 


VOTING.  l2l 

Woman  suffrage.  —  In  barbarous  or  warlike  times  it 
was  neither  customary  nor  safe "  for  women  to  come  to 
public  meetings  of  any  sort.  The  business  of  government, 
as  of  war,  was  thought  to  be  the  affair  of  the  men.  Customs 
of  such  a  sort  are  slow  to  change.  It  was  therefore  taken 
for  granted,  when  our  government  was  formed,  that  women 
were  citizens  to  be  protected,  and  to  pay  taxes,  but  not 
citizens  to  vote,  or  to  bear  arms.  Meanwhile,  with  grow- 
ing civilization,  great  changes  have  taken  place  in  the 
purposes  of  government.  As  we  have  seen,  government 
has  come  to  be  for  many  other  peaceful  ends  besides 
defence  against  enemies.  A  large  part  of  the  functions  of 
government  interest  all  intelligent  women  as  much  as 
they  interest  men.  For  schools,  for  the  public  morals,  for 
pure  and  patriotic  oificers,  men  and  women  are  equally 
concerned.  In  matters  of  local  expense,  in  towns  and 
cities,  women  often  pay  large  taxes.  Many  women,  indeed, 
through  the  death  of  the  husband  or  father,  have  the 
responsibility  of  a  family.  Moreover,  the  customs  of  a 
civilized  country  now  permit  men  and  women  to  go  every- 
where in  public  together.  Many,  therefore,  see  no  valid 
reason  why  women  should  not  exercise  thrf  suffrage  equally 
with  men.  In  England  this  is  now  allowed  in  the  case  of 
women  owning  property.  Some  steps  have  been  taken 
towards  it  in  the  United  States.  It  is  at  present  one  of 
the  open  questions  upon  which  good  women  as  well  as 
men  are  divided.  For  some  say  that  it  will  do  no  good 
for  women  to  vote,  that  it  will  only  double  the  number  of 
voters,  and  that  if  ignorant  women  vote,  it  will  do  harm ; 
besides,  good  women  have  great  influence  now  without 
voting.  But  others  reply  that  it  is  right,  and,  if  so, 
that  it  cannot  do  harm.  Moreover,  it  educates  citizens  to 
put  responsibility  upon  them. 


122  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  purpose  of  voting.  —  The  vote  is  the  exercise  of 
a  right ;  for  it  is  not  fair  for  the  government  to  require  the 
obedience  or  the  support  of  any  of  its  people  without  their 
consent  or  advice.  If,  then,  a  part  of  the  people  voted 
and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  obey,  it  would  be  a  tyranny. 
The  vote  is  thus  a  means  of  defence  and  protection.  But 
the  vote  is  not  merely  for  the  individual.  It  is  also  for 
the  sake  of  the  State.  Thus,  if  on  any  question  the  vote 
Yes  seemed  to  be  good  for  the  voter,  but  the  vote  No 
seemed  to  be  best  for  all,  he  certainly  ought  to  vote  No. 
Or,  again,  if  it  were  against  the  public  interest  that  ignorant 
persons  should  vote  until  they  could  learn  to  read,  it  would 
be  the  duty  of  such  persons  to  wait  till  they  could  really 
help  the  public  by  an  intelligent  vote  ;  precisely  as  it  is 
fair,  on  the  whole,  that  children,  however  intelligent, 
should  wait  till  they  have  grown  up  before  they  are  given 
the  ballot. 

So,  too,  if  it  were  true,  on  the  whole,  that  it  would  not  be 
for  the  good  of  the  State  for  women  to  vote,  it  would  be 
unfair  for  individual  women  to  claim  the  right,  merely  for 
themselves,  aside  from  the  good  of  all.  In  fact,  a  "  right " 
which  is  not  good,  for  all,  is  not  likely  to  be  good,  or  a  real 
right,  for  any  one.  Those,  therefore,  who  claim  that  it  is 
time  to  give  the  suffrage  to  women  endeavor  to  show  that 
the  change  promises  to  be  for  the  public  good,  and  is  a  step 
towards  the  higher  civilization  of  the  people. 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  123 


CHAPTER  XX. 

POLITICAL   PARTIES. 

Debate  and  discussion.  —  Men  rarely  work  together  for 
any  time  before  honest  differences  arise  as  to  the  best 
methods  of  doing  their  work.  It  is  so  when  men  undertake 
the  duties  of  government.  There  are  such  differences  of 
opinion  at  the  town  meeting.  Some  want  to  expend  more 
money  for  schools  or  for  roads,  while  others  think  that  the 
taxes  are  too  high  already.  Some  may  want  to  borrow  for 
the  new  expenditures,  and  others  think  that  the  town 
should  live  within  its  income,  and  "pay  as  it  goes,"  like  a 
wise  householder.  It  generally  happens  that  many  of  the 
citizens  are  not  fully  informed  upon  the  questions  that" 
arise,  or  they  know  only  one  side,  and  have  not  yet  heard 
the  reasons  to  be  given  on  the  opposite  side.  It  is  there- 
fore fair,  before  the  vote  is  taken,  to  give  opportunity  for 
any  who  choose,  to  inform  others  why  they  deem  one  or  the 
other  course  best.  This  is  debate,  or  the  discussion  of  the 
question  to  be  decided.  The  more  important  the  subject, 
the  more  needful  it  is  to  give  ample  time  for  discussion. 
For  it  is  neither  intelligent  nor  fair  to  vote  without  know- 
ing the  reasons  on  both  sides  ;  nor  to  defeat  any  proposed 
measure  which  others  offer,  without  giving  them  the  chance 
to  explain  fully  why  their  measure  ought  to  pass. 

The  purpose  of  debate.  —  It  is  thought  by  some  that 
the  purpose  of  debate  is  in  order  to  get  the  victory  for 
one's  own  side  or  party.     On  the  contrary,  the  true  object 


124  TflE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

of  all  discussion  is  that  the  people  may  have  the  fullest 
understanding  of  the  merits  of  the  question.  If  a  course 
of  action  —  the  building  a  new  bridge  or  schoolhouse  — 
cannot  really  be  shown  to  be  best,  no  good  citizen  wishes 
to  urge  it ;  as,  when  boys  discuss  how  they  shall  spend  a 
holiday,  the  object  is  not  that  any  one  shall  have  his  own 
way,  but  that  the  whole  company  shall  see  which  plan 
will  give  them  the  most  pleasure.  While  it  is  fair,  there- 
fore, to  try  to  persuade  the  others,  it  is  not  fair  to  be 
unwilling  to  be  persuaded,  in  case  the  others'  arguments 
are  better.  It  is  fair  to  give  others  as  candid  and  respect- 
ful a  hearing  as  we  wish  them  to  give  us. 

The  broad  or  narrow  view  of  public  questions.  —  Some- 
times in  town  meeting  there  is  a  plea  for  a  road  in  an- 
other part  of  the  town.  A  narrow  or  selfish  view  Avill 
oppose  the  expense,  because  it  does  not  seem  to  benefit 
one's  own  district.  Or  men  from  the  other  end  of  the 
town  refuse  to  vote  for  the  new  road,  unless  the  town  will 
vote  an  equal  sum,  and  perhaps  build  an  unnecessary 
road  in  their  own  neighborhood.  But  the  true  question 
that  a  broad-minded  man  asks  is,  whether  the  proposed 
road  is  desirable  for  the  public  good,  in  w^hatever  part  of 
the  town  it  is.  For  if  it  will  make  one  part  of  the  town 
more  prosperous  or  accessible,  in  the  long  run  it  will  be 
good  for  the  whole  town. 

Rules  of  debate.  —  In  order  to  secure  perfect  fairness  to 
all,  there  mast  be  certain  rules  of  discussion.  For  here,  as 
everywhere  else,  order  serves  the  comfort  and  convenience 
of  all ;  and  through  the  seeming  sacrifice  of  a  little  liberty 
by  each,  all  have  the  greater  liberty.  We  have  seen  in 
Chapter  IV.  that  there  must  be  a  president  or  chairman, 
whom  every  one  agrees  to  obey,  and  who  enforces  the  rules. 
There  must  be  a  secretary  who  keeps  account  of  what  is 


POLITICAL  PARTIES.  126 

done.  The  rules  will  not  permit  any  one  to  take  an  undue 
share  of  the  time,  or  to  speak  too  often.  The  rules  allow 
only  one  to  speak  at  a  time.  They  also  prescribe  how,  after 
discussion  has  gone  far  enough,  it  may  be  brought  to  an 
end,  and  the  real  business  not  delayed.  It  is  an  abuse  if 
the  rules  are  managed  by  any  one  or  by  a  clique  to  obstruct 
business,  or  to  obtain  unfair  advantage  over  the  opposite 
party,  or  to  silence  a  speaker.  This  is  sometimes  called 
filihusterhig.  It  is  in  debate  what  fighting  would  be  on 
the  playground ;  in  which  case  arms  and  strength  are  with- 
drawn from  their  real  use,  —  namely,  to  win  honorable 
victory,  —  and  are  made  to  do  harm  instead. 

National  parties.  —  In  the  government  of  towns  and 
cities  the  questions  that  divide  the  citizens  are  constantly 
shifting.  There  is,  therefore,  no  good  reason  why  parties 
should  be  permanent ;  but  men  who  vote  together  on  one 
subject  will  often  differ  upon  another.  So  in  the  State 
government  the  chief  things  that  any  good  citizen  wants 
are  wisdom,  honesty,  and  economy.  To  a  large  extent  this 
should  be  the  same  in  the  national  government.  Subjects 
and  questions  are  constantly  changing ;  men  who  unite  for 
one  course  of  action,  as  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  depart- 
ment or  civil  service  reform,  differ  upon  another  subject ; 
as,  for  example,  the  voting  of  national  aid  to  the  public 
schools.  There  are,  however,  generally  certain  great  sub- 
jects so  difficult  to  settle,  and  needing  so  much  time  to  be 
fairly  discussed,  that  men  divide  upon  them  into  national 
parties.  For  example,  the  question  of  the  proper  policy 
of  the  government  in  the  treatment  of  slavery  divided 
men  into  great  parties.  The  question  of  the  tariff,  or 
how  far  it  is  wise  to  tax  goods,  wool,  lumber,  iron,  clothes, 
etc.,  imported  from  foreign  countries,  is  one  of  these 
national  questions.     New  questions  of  this  sort  may  arise 


126  TEffi  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

from  time  to  time  which  occasion  the  drawing  of  new 
party  lines ;  or,  again,  great  questions  which  agitate  the 
whole  people  may  not  for  a  time  appear,  in  which  case 
the  old  parties  struggle  mainly  to  see  which  shall  have  the 
government  and  the  offices.  Each  party  then  claims  to  be 
wiser  and  purer  than  the  other. 

There  is  no  reason  why  there  should  be  two  parties  only. 
There  have  often  been  two  or  three,  or  even  more.  But 
since  it  requires  a  majority  of  votes  to  secure  the  govern- 
ment, a  small  national  party  cannot  permanently  accomplish 
much,  except  by  getting  the  balance  of  power,  and  thus 
influencing  the  larger  parties. 

Party  organization.  —  It  is  the  chief  object  of  the 
national  parties  to  get  control  of  the  government  by  the 
election  of  the  President  and  a  majority  of  Congress,  so  as 
to  be  able  to  carry  out  their  policy.  The  great  parties, 
being  obliged  to  discuss  and  persuade  voters,  and,  if  suc- 
cessful, to  determine  what  ought  to  be  done,  are  in  the 
habit  of  organizing  throughout  the  country.  In  every 
town  and  State  the  citizens  who  belong  to  a  particular 
party  hold  meetings  called  Caucuses  and  Conventions,  in 
which  they  appoint  their  party  officers  and  choose  their 
candidates  to  be  voted  for  at  the  next  election,  and  pass 
"resolutions,"  or  statements  of  what  they  think  should  be 
done.  And  since  men  become  accustomed  to  working  in 
party  ranks  for  the  great  national  elections,  for  example,  as 
Republicans  or  Democrats,  they  are  apt  to  vote  largely  on 
the  same  lines  and  with  the  same  party  organizations  in 
State  or  municipal  elections.  Thus,  although  there  is  no 
good  reason  why  Republicans  or  Democrats  should  not 
unite  in  choosing  the  same  candidate  for  mayor  or  alder- 
man, provided  he  will  make  an  honest  and  efficient  officer, 
as  they  would  unite  in  choosing  the  best  man  as  superin- 


POLITICAL   PARTIES.  127 

tendent  of  a  railroad,  yet  they  often  prefer  to  vote  with 
their  party  for  a  less  capable  man  rather  than  to  elect  a  good 
man  of  the  opposite  party.  The  more  ignorant  votere  are, 
the  more  likely  they  will  be  to  vote  without  thinking, 
merely  as  their  party  leaders  bid  them.  The  watchword 
of  such  voters  is,  "  My  party,  right  or  wrong." 

Independents.  —  Among  men,  as  in  the  schoolroom, 
there  are  always  some  who  ask  questions  and  want  to  know 
the  reason  of  things.  As  on  the  playground,  some  do  not 
care  always  to  go  with  the  crowd,  or  even  prefer  to  be  by 
themselves.  Such  as  these,  who  think  for  themselves,  and 
dare  to  stand  alone,  make  the  independents  in  politics. 
Sometimes  they  are  wrong-headed,  or  unsympathetic,  or 
unsocial.  They  may  make  mistakes,  as  the  wisest  men 
sometimes  do.  But  it  is  important  to  have  independent 
men  in  every  community.  They  are  likely  to  prefer  the 
good  of  their  country  to  the  success  of  their  party.  They 
will  not  act  with  their  party,  or  will  leave  it,  if  it  is  wrong. 
If  the  other  party  changes,  as  parties  sometimes  change, 
and  advocates  measures  that  they  believe  in ;  if  they  change 
their  own  minds  as  sensible  men  sometimes  must ;  or  if  the 
other  party  puts  forward  better  candidates;  or  if  a  new 
party  arises,  the  independent  voters  are  willing  to  act  wher- 
ever they  believe  that  they  can  best  secure  the  public  wel- 
fare.   They  therefore  help  to  keep  the  great  parties  right. 

It  will  be  observed,  however,  that  in  a  great  country 
with  millions  of  voters,  no  individual  can  effect  much  with 
his  vote  unless  he  joins  somewhere  with  others  who  think 
with  him.  And  although  a  few  patriotic  men,  if  banded 
together  like  the  old  Greek  phalanx,  may  form  a  new 
party,  or  change  the  direction  of  the  old  party,  or  hold  the 
balance  of  power  between  parties  and  accomplish  a  reform, 
yet  the  man  who  stands  by  himself  and  only  finds  fault  or 
votes  alone,  is  in  danger  of  throwing  his  vote  away. 


128  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXI. 

GOVERNMENT   BY   COMMITTEES,   BY  POLITICIANS, 
BY  PUBLIC   OPINION. 

The  work  of  committees.  —  In  a  large  body  like  Con- 
gress or  a  State  legislature  it  is  difficult  for  every  member 
to  understand  fully  the  merits  of  the  many  different 
subjects  which  have  to  be  considered.  It  is  therefore 
customary  to  appoint  a  number  of  committees,  each  con- 
sisting of  a  few  members.  Thus  there  will  be  a  committee 
of  Congress  upon  foreign  relations,  and  another  committee 
upon  the  Territories  or  the  Indian  tribes.  In  the  city 
government  likewise  there  will  be  a  committee  upon 
the  police  and  another  upon  streets.  Though  the  advice  of 
committees  need  not  be  followed,  it  has  great  weight,  both 
in  making  laws  and  in  the  appointment  and  the  conduct  of 
important  officers.  For  example,  the  committee  upon  rail- 
ways may  further  or  thwart  legislation  affecting  the  value 
of  millions  of  dollars  and  multitudes  of  people.  Or,  the 
committee  upon  streets  may  entertain  or  reject  extravagant 
appropriations  of  public  money.  A  committee  may  help  or 
hinder  an  honest  and  efficient  mayor  or  governor.  Thus 
the  power  of  committees  for  good  or  evil  is  enormous. 

A  grave  difficulty.  —  When  a  single  official  is  made 
responsible  for  any  business,  the  citizens  know  whom  to 
praise  or  blame.  But  when  a  number  of  men  do  a  foolish 
or  wrong  thing  together,  it  is  difficult  to  fix  the  blame  on 
the  proper  persons.     Besides,  in  Congress  or  a  legislature 


GOVERNMENT  BY   COMlvnTTEES.  129 

the  newspapers  report  what  is  said,  as  well  as  the  vote  of 
every  member,  but  the  action  of  a  committee  is  compara- 
tively private,  so  that  praise  or  blame  cannot  be  rightly 
awarded  by  the  people. 

An  example.  —  A  bill  in  the  interest  of  some  great  rail- 
way is  brought  before  Congress  by  a  member,  who  is  the 
friend  of  the  president  of  the  railway.  The  bill  is  referred 
to  the  committee  upon  railroads.  The  railway  president 
has  another  friend  in  this  committee,  who  is  able  to  per- 
suade the  members  of  the  committee  to  report  as  he 
desires.  The  members  of  Congress,  having  left  the  sub- 
ject to  their  committee,  are  prepared  to  vote  as  the  com- 
mittee recommends,  especially  if  the  advocates  of  the  bill 
are  of  the  party  in  power.  Thus  a  bill  possibly  unwise,  or 
even  unjust,  may  be  carried  tlirough  Congress  upon  the 
report  of  a  small  committee. 

However  seriously  the  action  proposed  by  the  com- 
mittees may  injure  the  public  interests,  for  example,  the 
administration  of  the  post-office  department,  custom  does 
not  allow  the  Postmaster-General,  or  any  of  the  heads  of 
departments,  to  come  upon  the  floor  of  Congress  and 
explain  the  difficulty.  In  fact,  a  bare  majority  of  a  com- 
mittee, provided  it  is  of  the  party  in  power,  may  recom- 
mend important  action,  which  the  same  party  will  vote 
to  carry  through,  while  the  officer  who  has  the  responsi- 
bility for  executing  the  law  may  not  even  be  consulted. 
This  is  government  by  committees  instead  of  government 
by  the  people. 

The  appointment  of  committees.  —  Each  branch  of  a 
legislature  or  of  a  city  government  chooses  its  own  com- 
mittees. A  common  method  is  to  allow  the  chairman  or 
president  to  "  nominate  "  or  select  the  membei-s  of  these 
committees  as  he  deems  suitable.      As  the  chairman  is  the 


130  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

choice  of  the  majority  of  the  body,  he  will  be  pretty  sure 
to  see  that  the  committees  are  made  up  as  the  majority 
would  approve.  It  is  deemed  fair  always  to  appoint  part 
of  the  members  of  the  committees  from  the  minority. 

The  committees  of  Congress,  through  whose  hands  all 
business  passes,  are  chosen,  in  the  Senate  by  its  own  mem- 
bers, that  is,  by  the  party  who  hold  the  majority,  who  put 
their  own  men  at  the  head  of  each  committee ;  and  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  the  Speaker  or  Chairman. 
If  the  Speaker  is  a  Republican  or  a  Democrat,  he  therefore 
chooses  so  that  the  head  of  every  important  committee 
and  the  majority  of  its  members  shall  be  from  his  own 
party.  This  right  to  appoint  committees  makes  the 
Speaker  by  far  the  most  powerful  man  in  Congress.  He 
may  appoint  committees  which  shall  thwart  the  will  and 
defeat  the  purposes  of  the  President. 

The  politicians.  —  The  great  number  of  the  people  have 
little  time  to  spend  in  politics,  that  is,  in  the  management  of 
government.  Beyond  voting  and  occasional!}^  attending  a 
caucus  or  mass  meeting  to  hear  speeches,  they  are  very  apt 
to  leave  public  business  in  the  hands  of  a  few  persons. 
There  comes,  therefore,  to  be  a  class  of  men  in  every  com- 
munity who  mostly  manage  the  politics.  They  attend  all 
the  caucuses ;  they  are  put  upon  the  party  committees ;  they 
are  chosen  to  go  to  the  great  state  or  national  conven- 
tions which  nominate  candidates  for  office  ;  they  are  ready 
and  willing  to  take  office  themselves.  They  bring  out 
their  neighbors  and  friends  to  vote  at  elections,  and  work 
for  their  party.  They  are  apt  to  think  that  th«y  have 
earned  the  right  to  its  honors  and  places  if  their  party 
gets  into  power.  Such  men,  who  make  politics  their  busi- 
ness, are  called  politicians.  The  name  is  given  specially 
to  those  who  make  use  of  politics  to  serve  or  advance  their 


GOVERNMENT   BY  COMMITTEES.  131 

own  private  interests.  It  is  not  usually  given  to  those 
whose  interest  in  public  business  is  for  the  sake  of  the 
public  welfare,  and  who  do  not  seek  place  or  office  for 
themselves.  The  name,  therefore,  while  it  has  not  a  posi- 
tively bad  meaning,  is  not  one  by  which  the  most  public- 
spirited  men  would  choose  to  be  called.  The  word  states- 
man better  describes  the  higher  class  of  wise  and  faithful 
public  servants. 

Government  by  the  politicians.  —  The  politicians  of 
any  party  make  a  strong  organization  among  themselves, 
like  the  staff  of  an  army.  They  meet  often  in  committees 
and  cluKs.  They  know  what  they  wish  to  secure  for  them- 
selves through  the  aid  of  the  government,  while  the  people 
are  often  indifferent.  They  are  able  to  bargain  with  each 
other,  and  to  combine  to  carry  out  plans.  They  can  usually 
contrive  to  nominate  candidates  of  their  own  number. 
They  can  even  trade  votes  with  the  opposite  party,  promis- 
ing, if  they  are  Republicans,  to  help  elect  a  Democratic 
politician  to  some  office,  in  exchange  for  help  in  electing 
one  of  themselves  to  another  office,  or  vice  versa.  If  they 
are  chosen  to  Congress,  or  even  to  the  highest  office,  they 
may  be  under  obligation  or  promise  to  serve  some  of  their 
fellow-politicians  who  helped  to  elect  them,  and  to  get 
places  for  them. 

Wherever,  therefore,  men  manage  the  public  business  for 
themselves  or  for  their  party  friends,  and  nominate  candi- 
dates, or  appoint  officers,  or  carry  votes  to  serve  each  other, 
it  becomes  a  government  by  the  politicians. 

Rings. — It  may  happen  in  a  republic  as  in  an  aristo- 
cratic government,  that  a  clique  of  men  contrive  to  get  the 
affairs  of  a  city  or  a  state,  or  even  of  the  national  govern- 
ment into  their  own  hands.  It  was  in  this  way  that  the 
notorious  Tweed  ring  usurped  the  government  of,  the  city 


132  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

of  New  York.  They  managed  the  party  caucuses,  and  named 
themselves  and  their  friends  for  office,  and  brought  igno- 
rant or  indifferent  voters  to  do  their  bidding  at  the  polls. 

Public  opinion.  — The  wisest  man  or  the  most  wealthy 
has  but  one  vote.  But  his  vote  is  not  the  only  way  in 
which  he  helps  to  govern.  What  he  thinks,  what  he  says, 
what  he  does,  influences  others.  As  one  student  in  a  school 
may  persuade  a  dozen  others  to  -act  as  he  acts,  so  a  man 
of  positive  opinion  may  be  a  leader  for  hundreds  of  voters. 
As  one  persuades  another  or  sets  another  to  thinking,  and 
so  moves  men's  minds,  who  again,  like  ivory  balls,  move 
others  in  the  same  way,  public  opinion  is  made.  One,  or  a 
few,  wise,  thoughtful,  or  public-spirited  men  may  start 
public  opinion ;  but  once  started,  a  multitude  by  and  by 
take  it  up.  Public  opinion  is  behind  votes,  for  votes  only 
express  it.    But  it  is  often  stronger  and  quicker  than  votes. 

It  is  not  in  human  nature  to  wish  to  resist  or  oppose 
public  opinion.  It  requires  a  brave  man  to  stand  against 
it,  even  when  it  is  wrong  or  mistaken.  Public  opinion  is 
therefore  a  check  against  abuses  of  the  government.  A 
committee  of  Congress,  however  negligent  of  the  public 
interest,  will  not  venture  far  to  do  what  the  people  really 
disapprove.  When  public  opinion  is  aroused  to  require 
honest  public  service,  no  corrupt  ring  can  stand.  Even  a 
little  stream  of  sound  public  opinion,  directed  by  a  few 
brave  citizens,  and  expressed  by  voice  and  helped  on  by 
the  press,  when  aimed  towards  a  reform  or  against  an  abuse, 
makes  itself  speedily  felt,  so  that  the  politicians  them- 
selves hasten  to  heed  it ;  as  a  hunger  or  a  pain  in  the  body, 
telegraphed  through  the  appropriate  nerves,  urges  the  will 
of  a  man  to  satisfy  its  need.  Thus,  if  at  any  time,  through 
faults  in  the  government  or  the  practices  of  negligent 
officers,  harm  is  done,  a  remedy  is  at  hand  when  public 
opinion  is  sufficiently  stirred. 


THE  citizen's   DUTIES   TO   HIS   GOVERNMENT.       133 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

THE  citizen's  DUTIES   TO   HIS   GOVERNMENT. 

We  have  seen  how  numerous  and  important  the  ser- 
vices are  which  the  government  renders  to  its  citizens.  It 
extends  its  protection  over  their  lives  and  property ;  it  pro- 
vides courts  of  justice,  schools,  and  education ;  it  maintains 
roads  and  carries  the  mails ;  it  brings  water  and  extin- 
guishes fires ;  it  guards  the  public  health  and  cleanses  the 
streets ;  it  supports  public  hospitals.  All  these  things,  and 
more,  are  done  by  the  government  for  its  citizens.  It 
would  plainly  be  unfair  that  citizens  should  enjoy  these 
benefits  without  making  any  return.  There  are  several 
simple  duties,  therefore,  which  the  citizens  owe  to  the 
government. 

Obeying  the  laws.  —  In  every  civilized  state  there  are 
definite  laws.  Some  of  them  are  very  old,  and  no  one 
knows  when  they  were  first  made ;  others  have  been  de- 
creed by  the  government  of  the  city,  the  state,  or  the 
nation,  by  the  legislature,  the  Congress,  the  Parliament, 
or  the  king.  They  treat  of  all  sorts  of  subjects,  —  of 
property,  of  commerce,  of  behavior.  Some  of  the  laws, 
and  generally  the  oldest  of  all,  are  such  as  appeal  to 
every  one's  conscience,  such  as  we  learn  in  our  childhood ; 
as,  for  example,  not  to  steal  or  to  injure  another.  We 
should  obey  these  moral  laws,  if  no  courts  threatened  to 
enforce  them.  There  are  many  other  rules,  ordinances, 
and  laws,  however,  which  have  been  found  by  experience 


134  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

to  be  necessary,  or  which  serve  the  common  convenience. 
Thus,  the  laws  may  require  children  to  attend  school, 
because  no  state  can  afford  to  let  its  youth  grow  up  in 
ignorance. 

Sometimes  a  law  may  seem  to  the  individual  citizen 
unnecessary  or  trivial,  or  may  prove  inconvenient.  Never- 
theless, no  one  has  any  right  to  put  his  personal  preference 
or  convenience  before  the  laws  which  serve  the  public 
good.  For  example,  in  cities  it  is  necessary  to  forbid  the 
use  of  firearms,  although  a  discreet  or  skilful  person  might 
carry  a  gun  or  pistol  without  injury.  Employers  are  also 
liable  to  a  fine  for  hiring  boys  or  girls  who  ought  to  be  in 
school,  although  sometimes  their  parents  seem  to  need  the 
money  which  the  children  might  earn.  If  any  business, 
however  profitable,  like  making  gunpowder  or  selling 
drugs,  proves  to  be  harmful  or  dangerous,  the  law  may 
forbid  or  restrict  it,  to  the  inconvenience  or  even  the  loss 
of  its  owner.  In  all  such  cases  the  individual  must  submit 
to  the  laws.  For  it  would  be  unjust  to  wish  to  indulge 
oneself,  or  to  make  money  by  any  practice  or  business 
which  either  hurt  or  imperilled  the  public  good ;  precisely 
as  it  would  be  unfair  for  a  boy  to  throw  stones  upon  the 
ball-ground  where  his  fellows  were  playing. 

The  care  of  public  property.  —  If  we  belonged  to  a  base- 
ball or  cricket  club,  every  member  of  the  club  would  try 
to  take  good  care  of  the  balls,  bats,  and  wickets.  For 
whatever  waste  or  loss  there  were  would  have  to  come  out 
of  our  spending-money.  So  in  any  home,  no  intelligent 
child  would  wish  to  break  the  furniture  or  waste  the  pro- 
visions, since  the  whole  family  would  be  poorer  for  every 
dollar  thrown  away.  The  same  rule  holds  with  the  public 
property.  All  that  belongs  to  the  government  really 
belongs  to  us  all,  like  the  furniture  or  the  provisions  of  a 


THE   citizen's   DUTIES   TO  HIS   GOVERNMENT.        136 

great  family.  In  the  public  buildings,  the  schoolhouses 
and  the  school-books,  the  fire-engines,  and  the  machinery 
of  all  the  different  departments  of  public  work,  the  high- 
ways, the  lamps  and  lamp-posts,  as  well  as  the  forts  and 
navy  yards,  and  iron  ships,  and  lighthouses,  —  in  all  these 
things  which  have  cost  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollare,  we 
each  have  a  share.  It  is  as  if  every  child  was  born  heir 
to  a  fortune.  No  one  is  so  poor  as  not  to  be  better  off  for 
this  grand  public  property.  To  waste  or  injure  or  deface 
or  destroy  anything  that  belongs  to  the  government,  there- 
fore, is  to  injure  ourselves.  To  break  the  glass  in  a  public 
building  would  be  the  same  kind  of  foolishness  as  to  break 
glass  in  our  own  house. 

We  do  not  merely  owe  the  government,  that  is,  our- 
selves, the  duty  to  do  no  injury  to  our  own  public  property. 
We  owe  a  positive  duty  to  watch  against  harm  or  waste. 
If  the  treasurer  of  a  club  wasted  the  money,  or  the  keeper 
of  the  bats  and  wickets  left  them  in  the  rain,  we  should 
turn  him  out  of  office.  So  likewise,  if  we  saw  any  oihcer 
wasteful  of  the  public  money,  or  careless  in  performing  his 
work.  Especially  if  we  were  ever  hired  by  the  govern- 
ment, we  should  be  ashamed  not  to  do  as  honest  service 
as  we  should  do  for  ourselves,  since  our  work  in  such  a 
case  is  really  for  the  common  good. 

The  duty  to  vote.  —  We  have  already  seen  that  it  is  a 
right  or  privilege  to  vote,  so  that  any  one  would  feel 
defrauded  if  his  vote  were  taken  away  from  him,  or  if  it 
failed  to  be  counted.  But  it  is  also  a  duty  to  vote.  In 
other  words,  we  are  not  asked  to  vote  for  our  own  sake,  to 
protect  our  rights  or  our  property,  but  for  the  good  of  the 
public  and  because  tlie  ballot  is  the  weapon  to  protect  the 
rights  of  all.  As  in  a  club  we  must  vote  at  the  election 
of  officers  in  order  to  secure  good  management,  so  every 


136  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

citizen  is  responsible  through  his  vote  for  the  kind  of  gov- 
ernment that  he  lives  under.  There  is  an  old  rule  that 
"  Silence  gives  consent."  If,  then,  a  set  of  bad  or  worth- 
less men  should  plot  to  get  the  offices,  all  the  citizens  who 
took  no  trouble  to  vote  against  them  would  help  the  bad 
party  into  power  and  would  also  be  to  blame  for  the  harm 
they  did. 

Suppose,  again,  that  the  people  were  asked  to  vote  Yes 
or  No  upon  some  proposed  change  in  the  constitution  of  the 
State,  for  example,  a  prohibitory  amendment,  forbidding 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks;  and  suppose  that  many 
thousands  did  not  vote  at  all.  Whichever  way  the  vote 
of  the  State  went,  those  who  did  not  vote  would  be  to 
•blame  if  harm  came.     For  they  did  nothing  to  prevent  it. 

The  duty  to  pay  the  taxes.  —  We  have  seen  that  the 
taxes  under  just  government  ought  not  to  make  people 
poorer.  They  are  like  money  taken  out  of  the  pocket  of 
the  individual  to  put  into  the  common  purse,  and  by  and 
by  to  expend  for  the  common  good ;  as  when  a  party  of 
boys  contribute  together  to  purchase  a  foot-ball  or  a  boat 
which  no  one  of  them  alone  could  have  afforded.  So  all 
the  people  of  a  city  contribute  to  build  good  roads  and  to 
buy  fire-engines,  or  to  provide  waterworks.  It  is  every^ 
one's  duty,  then,  to  pay  his  share.  For  it  would  be  ex- 
tremely shabby  to  be  willing  to  enjoy  the  advantages  that 
the  government  gave  without  paying  one's  share  towards 
the  cost. 

The  government  may  expend  money  for  something  that 
a  citizen  does  not  care  for ;  as  for  a  school  when  the  citi- 
zen has  no  children  of  his  own,  or  sends  his  children  to 
a  private  school.  Nevertheless,  since  the  schools  are  for 
the  public  good,  and  the  country  is  more  prosperous  and 
the  government  safer  by  reason  of  them,  whoever  shares 


THE   citizen's   DUTIES   TO   HIS   GOVERNMENT.        137 

in  the  prosperity  and  safety  that  the  schools  help  to  bring, 
ought  not  to  shirk  paying  the  cost  with  the  others. 

It  may  happen  that  some  Citizen  does  not  see  the  value 
of  the  public  schools,  or  does  not  believe  in  building  forts 
and  war-ships ;  ought  he  to  be  obliged  to  help  pay  for  what 
he  does  not  believe  in  ?  It  would  be  fair,  indeed,  for  him 
to  vote,  when  he  has  a  chance,  against  the  forts  and  war- 
ships, but  if  the  majority  is  against  him  and  the  taxes 
are  levied,  it  would  be  disgraceful  to  try  to  make  others 
pay  more  than  their  share,  in  order  to  escape  himself ;  as 
he  in  turn  would  think  it  unjust  in  the  others  to  refuse  to 
pay  their  taxes  towards  the  objects,  like  roads  and  parks, 
which  he  believes  in ;  precisely  as  in  a  society,  as  long  as 
one  belongs  to  it,  one  must  pay  the  assessments  as  the 
majority  vote. 

It  has  often  happened  that  men  have  avoided  their  taxes 
and  even  lied  about  their  property,  on  the  ground  that 
"  others  do  the  same."  This  is  a  good  reason  why  honest 
citizens  should  have  the  tax  laws  made  simple,  and  require 
them  to  be  fairly  administered.  If  any  method  of  raising 
the  taxes  tempts  men  of  weak  conscience  to  cl\eat,  it  is 
probably  a  bad  method.  But  since  "  two  wrongs  do  not 
make  a  right,"  there  can  be  no  excuse  for  any  one  to  shirk, 
much  less  to  deceive,  and  therefore  to  throw  a  heavier 
burden  on  honest  persons,  because  some  one  else  is  unfair. 
Indeed,  it  is  a  good  rule  everywhere  to  do  yourself  as  you 
would  wish  all  to  do. 

The  truth  is  that,  if  one  part  of  the  citizens  are  expected 
to  pay  their  share  of  the  taxes  towards  objects  which  are 
good  for  another  portion,  —  if  the  Western  farmers  must 
pay  for  the  lighthouses  for  the  sailors,  these  in  turn  must 
pay  cheerfully  their  share  towards  other  objects,  like  the 
levees  on  the  Mississippi  River.     If,  meanwhile,  some  citi- 


138  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

zens  seem  to  themselves  to  pay  more  than  their  share,  yet 
every  one  is  better  off  than  if  there  were  no  government 
and  no  taxes  to  pay. 

The  duty  of  public  service. — It  is  an  ancient  require- 
ment that  every  able-bodied  citizen  must  bear  arms  in  case 
of  war.  This  duty  extends  so  far  as  to  demand  the  citi- 
zen's life  if  it  is  needful  to  help  save  the  state.  For  it 
is  better  that  a  part  of  the  citizens  should  die,  than  that 
the  state  should  be  destroyed  or  enslaved.  As  a  good 
father  or  a  good  son  therefore  would  risk  his  life  for  the 
sake  of  the  family,  so  a  loyal  citizen  holds  his  life  at  the 
call  of  the  government. 

It  may  happen  that  the  government  makes  a  mistake 
and  exposes  the  citizen's  life  without  cause.  Should  he 
disobey,  shirk  his  duty,  or  run  away  in  order  to  save  his 
life  ?  It  is  evident  that,  in  case  of  public  danger,  a  riot  or 
a  war,  there  must  be  very  prompt  obedience  to  the  sum- 
mons of  the  sheriff,  the  marshal,  or  the  governor.  If  no 
citizen  would  risk  his  life  for  his  country  until  he  Avas  first 
made  perfectly  sure  that  the  government  was  quite  wise, 
there  would  be  no  reliance  on  any  one.  The  rule  is,  then, 
that  the  citizen  must  share  the  risks  of  his  country  or  his 
government,  even  though  at  times  some  one  has  blundered. 
For  it  is  nobler  to  lose  one's  life,  like  the  soldiers  at 
Balaklava,  in  trying  to  save  the  honor  of  the  country, 
than  to  be  too  prudent  in  trying  to  save  one's  own  life. 

The  duty  sometimes  to  take  office.  —  The  public  ser- 
vice is  not  only  for  times  of  war  or  danger.  The  state  also 
claims  of  the  citizen  many  forms  of  peaceful  service. 
There  are  many  offices  which  suffer,  unless  filled  by  able 
and  patriotic  men.  Moreover,  the  office  frequently  carries 
no  pay,  as  with  the  school  committee  and  many  town  and 
city  offices.     Or,  as  in  the  case  of  jurors,  the  pay  is  small 


THE  citizen's   DUTIES   TO   HIS   GOVERNMENT.        139 

and  the  trouble  is  great.  Or,  as  with  the  State  legisla- 
tures, the  duties  of  the  office  are  tedious  to  many  citizens. 
The  faithful  officer  is  also  liable  to  partisan  abuse,  and 
in  some  cases  to  the  loss  of  his  place  at  the  hands  of 
those  who  want  it  for  themselves.  There  are  therefore 
many  citizens  who,  for  various  reasons,  do  not  desire  office, 
or  cannot,  they  think,  afford  to  give  up  lucrative  business 
of  their  own  even  to  go  to  Congress,  or  to  be  made  a 
judge  or  mayor,  or  a  governor,  much  less  to  serve  with- 
out pay  on  some  public  commission.  But  the  state  needs 
most  the  very  men  who  desire  office  least,  and  who  have 
no  selfish  ends  to  seek  by  taking  it.  Since  the  state  can 
command  even  the  citizen's  life,  it  seems  to  follow  that 
he  ought  equally  to  give  up  his  time  when  called  to  take 
office  for  the  public  good. 

Public  spirit.  —  In  almost  every  community  there  are 
certain  men  and  women  who  are  known  as  public  spirited. 
Others  may  be  selfish  or  narrow-minded,  and  vote  or  act 
as  their  own  private  interests  seem  to  require.  But  the 
public-spirited  citizens  take  broad  and  generous  views, 
and  even  prefer  the  good  of  the  state  or  the  nation  to 
their  own  profit.  Thus  in  the  Civil  War,  while  a  narrow- 
minded  man  feared  about  his  business,  or  waited  until 
bounties  were  paid  before  he  enlisted,  public-spirited  men 
cheerfully  risked  their  persons  and  property  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  government.  The  public-spirited  are  equally 
willing  to  be  taxed  for  libraries  and  parks  to  benefit  the 
people.  In  other  words,  they  not  only  perform  their 
duties  to  the  state  with  honesty,  but  they  take  pleasure  in 
serving  the  public,  and  are  liberal  beyond  the  requirement 
of  the  law. 

Exceptions. — It  is  possible  that  a  government  might 
require  of  a  citizen  what  his  conscience  forbade.     Thus 


140  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

the  laws  of  the  United  States  once  commanded  the  return 
of  fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters.  This  is  like  the  case 
where  a  wrong  or  foolish  parent  commands  a  child  to  act 
against  his  conscience.  But  though  one  must  certainly 
obey  his  conscience,  yet  if  he  breaks  a  bad  or  foolish  law, 
he  must  be  prepared  to  take  the  legal  consequences  of  dis- 
obedience, perhaps  to  go  to  jail,  or  to  pay  a  fine ;  or,  even 
to  lose  his  life,  as  in  the  story  of  Socrates  or  of  Sir  Thomas 
More.  Moreover,  the  individual  who  ventures  to  break  a 
law  on  his  own  judgment  may  prove  to  have  been  wrong, 
and  his  conscience  to  have  been  unenlightened.  We  can 
imagine  a  fanatical  Mormon,  for  example,  who  prefers  to 
obey  the  command  of  his  church,  and  to  resist  the  United 
States  government  in  Utah. 

Although  it  is  the  general  duty  of  the  citizen  to  vote, 
there  may  be  cases  in  which  one  cannot  conscientiously 
vote.  The  voter  might  have  to  choose  between  two  meas- 
ures, both  of  which  seem  wrong,  or  between  two  candi- 
dates, both  of  whom  are  unfit  for  the  place.  It  cannot 
be  duty  to  do  a  wrong,  or  to  tell  a  lie,  by  one's  vote, 
or  to  seem  to  approve  what  one  does  not  honestly  wish 
for.  Thus  if  two  political  parties  appear  for  the  time  to 
further  wrong  policies,  or  to  put  up  bad  men,  one  may 
have  to  withdraw  from  voting  with  either  of  them  until 
one  or  the  other  party  changes  its  character,  or  until  he 
can  join  others  in  forming  a  new  party.  But  it  would 
not  be  right  to  abstain  from  voting  longer  than  is  abso- 
lutely necessary.  As  before,  one  must  do  what  he  wishes 
every  one  else  to  do ;  but  while  he  would  wish  every  one 
to  abstain  from  voting  for  a  bad  or  unfit  man,  he  would 
not  wish  others  to  be  content  till  the  government  was  set 
right  and  in  good  hands. 


THE   citizen's   DUTIES   TO   HIS   GOVERNMENT.        141 

At  the  time  of  the  War  of  Independence  our  forefathers 
complained  that  it  was  unjust  to  pay  taxes  to  England 
without  being  represented  in  the  British  Parliament,  which 
made  the  taxes.  Their  refusal  to  pay  the  stamp  tax  led  to 
the  war.  In  this  case,  however,  the  colonists  had  no  peace- 
ful means  of  opposing  the  odious  tax  except  to  petition 
the  Parliament.  In  our  government,  if  an  unjust  tax  were 
imposed,  we  have  the  courts  to  redress  wrong.  We  can 
also  vote  for  representatives  who  would  take  measures  to 
change  a  wrongful  tax. 

It  has  sometimes  happened  that  a  public  officer  has  been 
required  to  perform  duties  against  his  conscience.  Thus  a 
marshal  of  the  United  States  would  once  have  had  to  arrest 
a  fugitive  slave.  There  would  therefore  be  no  obligation 
to  take  public  office,  if  the  laws  require  wrongful  conduct. 
So  if  an  army  officer,  who  must  obey  orders  as  long  as  he 
holds  command,  believed  any  war  to  be  unjust,  he  could 
resign,  as  Granville  Sharp,  the  friend  of  America,  gave  up 
his  place  in  the  Ordnance  Office  of  England  because  he 
could  not  conscientiously  handle  war  material  to  be  used 
against  the  American  colonies. 


142  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

THE  ABUSES   AND   PERILS   OF  QOVERNMENT. 

Abuses  that  the  civilized  world  has  outgrown.  —  As 
long  as  men  tolerated  the  rule  of  the  strong,  and  suffered 
bad  men  to  hold  power,  government  was  often  made  the 
engine  of  cruel  injustice.  Kings  came  to  imagine  that  the 
people  existed  to  serve  them  or  to  fight  for  them.  In 
Turkey  and  Egypt  the  peasants  still  have  to  pay  for  the 
luxury  of  the  great  court  of  the  Sultan  and  the  Khedive, 
and  for  the  support  of  a  crowd  of  idle  officers.  Even  in 
England,  till  quite  lately,  a  Roman  Catholic  or  a  Unitarian 
was  forbidden  to  hold  office  on  account  of  his  opinions. 
A  little  further  back,  bigoted  men  thought  it  right  to  use 
the  arm  of  the  law  to  enforce  their  opinions  or  religion 
on  others,  or  to  prosecute  those  who  differed  from  them. 
There  were  terrible  punishments  imposed  by  the  colonial 
laws,  and  very  cruel  treatment  of  the  poor  and  the  insane 
was  permitted.  The  power  of  government  was  used  to 
hang  men  and  women  at  Salem  for  the  supposed  crime 
of  witchcraft. 

Meddling  with  business.  —  Governments  have  been  in 
the  habit,  too,  of  interfering  with  trade,  with  the  prices  of 
goods,  or  with  the  values  of  money.  A  dishonest  king 
would  issue  coin  of  diminished  weight  or  purity.  It  is  said 
that  between  the  years  1300  and  1600  the  English  pound 
of  silver,  which  at  first  made  twenty  shillings,  was  at  last 
divided   into  sixty-six   shillings.     The   early   Parliaments 


THE  ABUSES   AND   PERILS   OF   GOVERNMENT.         143 

were  often  very  ignorant.  They  thought  it  necessary  to 
make  laws  to  keep  the  money  in  their  own  country.  They 
made  it  hard  to  sell  goods  out  of  their  country,  or  to  get 
foreign  goods  in  return ;  they  did  not  see  that  trade  made 
nations  richer.  They  imagined  that  they  could  fix  prices 
for  wheat  or  bread,  or  for  a  day's  wages,  by  law ;  they  did 
not  understand  that  though  the  law  can  fix  a  low  price  for 
a  thing,  the  law  cannot  compel  any  one  to  sell  it  for  that 
price. 

Governments  are  like  the  people  who  govern.  —  The 
truth  is  that  the  government  always  reflects  the  character 
of  the  men  who  rule.  If  they  are  stupid  or  ignorant, 
they  will  be  sure  to  make  foolish  and  injurious  laws.  If 
they  are  wasteful,  they  will  contrive  to  squander  the  pub- 
lic money.  If  they  are  narrow  and  prejudiced,  they  will 
not  mind  hurting  those  who  differ  from  themselves.  If 
some  of  them  are  bad  and  dishonest,  they  will  be  sure 
to  cheat  in  managing  the  government.  If  they  are  greedy, 
or  think  that  the  government  is  for  every  one  to  get  as 
much  as  he  can  for  himself,  instead  of  being  for  the  public 
good,  they  will  make  it  selfish  and  oppressive.  Thus  the 
abuses  an^  perils  of  government  proceed  from  the  faults  of 
the  rulers  even  more  than  from  the  faults  of  the  system 
or  method.  This  is  equally  true  if  the  government  is  by 
the  people.  For  while  it  rests  with  the  few,  it  is  good 
or  bad  like  the  few  that  hold  it,  but  when  it  rests  with 
all  the  people,  it  cannot  easily  be  much  better  than  the 
average  character  of  the  people.  If  many  of  the  people 
of  a  republic,  then,  are  ignorant,  as  kings  used  to  be,  if 
others  are  prejudiced,  and  some  are  bad  and  dishonest,  it 
will  be  very  hard  not  to  have  officers  and  representatives 
like  the  people  who  choose  them. 

It  is  as  though  a  party  of  boys  from  one  of  the  school 


144  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

ships  were  cast  on  a  desolate  island  and  undertook  to 
manage  and  govern  themselves.  If  they  were  ignorant 
and  selfish,  they  would  be  in  great  danger  of  destruction ; 
but  in  case  the  majority  of  them  were  generous  and  intelli- 
gent, they  might  contrive  to  establish  a  little  state,  till 
they  could  build  a  boat  or  be  taken  off  the  island. 

The  best  government.  —  The  faults  of  the  rulers  will 
show  themselves,  and  make  trouble  in  any  kind  of  govern- 
ment ;  but  some  modes  of  government  make  men's  faults 
more  perilous.  We  may  suppose  that  the  boys  on  the 
island  allow  the  greediest  fellow  among  them  to  keep  the 
supplies.  This  would  tempt  him  to  help  himself  to  more 
than  his  share.  Or  they  might  let  the  loudest  talkers 
among  them  make  all  their  plans,  as  men  often  do  in  gov- 
ernment. They  might,  on  the  other  hand,  contrive  to  pick 
out  the  most  trustworthy  and  intelligent  of  their  number 
to  take  charge  of  the  supplies  and  to  make  plans  of  escape, 
so  as  to  secure  a  management  even  better  than  their  own 
average ;  as  though  the  body  were  to  choose  the  brains 
and  the  conscience  to  determine  what  the  muscles  and 
bones  should  do.  So  we  can  perhaps  contrive  methods  of 
government  that,  instead  of  tempting  the  weak,  dishonest, 
and  selfish  to  become  worse,  shall  make  use  of  the  wisdom 
and  integrity  of  the  best  and  most  capable  citizens.  We 
need  now  to  see  where  the  chief  dangers  lie  in  our  Ameri- 
can government. 

Faults  of  American  government ;  partisanship.  — 
Men,  in  a  mistaken  sense  of  loyalty,  will  often  follow 
their  party  to  vote  wrong,  or  to  choose  unworthy  men 
against  the  plain  interests  of  the  public.  It  is  particularly 
harmful  in  Congress,  or  in  the  legislature,  when  members 
who  are  paid  to  consult  the  public  good  think  themselves 
bound  instead  to  serve  their  party.     For  designing  men, 


THE  ABUSES   AND   PERILS   OF   GOVERNMENT.        145 

by  gaining  a  majority  in  a  party  caucus,  or  a  party  com- 
mittee, finally  oblige  the  whole  party  to  carry  their  bad 
measure  through. 

Provincialism.  —  This  word,  which  comes  from  the 
simple  word  province^  means  local  patriotism  as  opposed 
to  the  love  of  the  whole  country.  Thus  a  man  cares  more 
for  his  village  than  for  the  good  of  the  State,  or  more 
for  his  State  than  he  cares  for  the  nation.  Provincialism 
is  a  form  of  seliishness.  It  was  this  which  brought  on  the 
great  Civil  War.  For  men  were  once  trained  to  be  more 
loyal  to  the  flag  of  their  State  than  to  the  flag  of  the  Union. 
It  is  the  same  spirit  that  wishes  the  prosperity  of  a  section, 
as  the  North  or  the  West  or  the  South,  instead  of  the  wel- 
fare of  all  sections.  It  is  the  same,  in  a  smaller  way,  when 
one  votes  against  a  man  from  another  part  of  the  State, 
and  insists  upon  voting  for  a  neighbor,  or  for  some  one  of 
the  same  church,  when  the  stranger  is  the  better  man. 

Jobbery  and  patronage.  —  It  is  evident  that  if  public 
work  is  to  be  done,  as  in  the  case  of  erecting  a  new  school- 
house,  an  equal  chance  ought  to  be  given  to  architects  and 
builders  to  offer  plans  and  make  bids  for  the  work,  so  that 
the  city  shall  secure  the  best  and  cheapest  building.  Sup- 
pose now,  that,  instead  of  trying  to  choose  the^best  builder, 
the  committee  in  charge  should  award  their  contract  to 
the  builder  who  would  make  them  a  present,  or  do  them 
personal  favors,  or  promise  to  buy  his  materials  of  them. 
This  would  be  johhery.  The  committee  would  be  turning 
the  public  service  into  means  of  private  gain. 

It  is  evident  also  that  if  the  government  wants  a  num- 
ber of  laborers  or  clerks  for  the  navy  yard,  all  capable 
citizens  ought  to  have  a  free  and  equal  chance  to  offer 
themselves,  and  that  the  selection  should  be  made  of  the 
most  competent.     But  suppose  the  officer  in  charge  filled 


146  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

the  places  with  his  personal  friends,  or  with  those  who 
voted  for  him,  or,  as  he  was  bidden  by  some  congressman, 
with  persons  of  his  party  alone.  This  is  the  misuse  of 
patronage.  It  is  unfair  to  the  public,  because  it  often  puts 
unfit  persons  into  ofiice  and  keeps  them  there ;  and  it  is 
undemocratic,  because  it  does  not  give  equal  chance  to  all 
who  are  deserving.  It  is  to  guard  against  the  evils  of  job- 
bery and  patronage  that  we  require  a  pure  civil  service. 

The  government  and  trade.  —  It  often  happens  that  a 
business  threatens  harm  to  the  public,  as  when  the  facto- 
ries employ  children  too  young  to  work.  The  railroads 
may  seem  to  charge  excessive  rates  of  fare.  The  interest 
of  money  may  appear  to  be  extortionate.  Manufacturers 
or  miners  wish  laws  passed  to  help  their  business,  or  to 
prevent  foreigners  from  selling  goods  cheaper  than  the 
American  goods.  Workmen  may  wish  foreigners  to  be 
prevented  from  coming  here,  or  they  desire  by  law  to  fix 
wages,  or  the  number  of  hours  of  the  working-day.  The 
taxes  may  be  laid  so  unfairly  as  to  encourage  one  kind  of 
business  and  oppress  another.  Sometimes  the  taxes  are 
contrived  so  as  to  enrich  a  particular  set  of  men,  like  the 
salt  manufacturers,  at  the  expense  of  every  one  who  uses 
salt. 

These  are  among  the  ways  in  which  the  laws  may  inter- 
fere with  business.  Sometimes  the  law  is  needful,  as,  for 
example,  to  protect  women  and  children.  But  it  has  been 
found  by  long  experience  that  it  is  very  hazardous  to  make 
laws  that  meddle  with  business.  The  rule  is  to  leave  trade 
as  free  as  possible  of  restrictions.  If  we  thwart  or  harass 
any  kind  of  business,  it  becomes  more  costly.  If  we  favor 
it  above  others,  besides  being  unfair,  we  take  away  from 
those  who  carry  it  on  the  natural  spur  to  improve  and 
cheapen  their  methods.     If  vre  fix  prices  or  wages,  or  the 


THE  ABUSES   AND  PERILS   OF   GOVERNMENT.         147 

hours  of  labor,  we  always  tempt  men  to  get  around  the 
law  in  some  other  way,  and  make  it  harder  for  those  who 
are  honest  and  obedient.  For  those  who  buy  and  sell  of 
each  other  are  more  likely  in  the  long  run  to  secure  fair 
play  than  the  public  who  look  on  from  the  outside.  In  all 
these  subjects,  however,  there  is  room  for  much  difference 
of  opinion,  as  there  is  need  for  wise  judgment.  In  fact, 
legislators  and  congressmen  are  not  generally  wise  enough 
to  meddle  with  other  people's  business,  and  always  do  this 
at  great  risk. 

Public  debts  and  borrowing.  —  It  is  a  good  rule  in 
housekeeping  to  live  within  one's  income.  But  our  mod- 
ern cities  have  grown  very  fast ;  they  have  needed  immense 
sums  of  money  for  buildings  and  waterworks  and  parks. 
Sometimes  they  have  suffered  from  devastating  fires.  They 
have  been  tempted,  therefore,  to  borrow  money.  The 
national  government,  especially  in  the  Civil  War,  felt 
obliged  to  incur  a  gigantic  debt.  Many  States  also  rolled 
up  debts.  Nearly  everywhere  a  considerable  part  of  the 
taxes  now  goes  to  paying  the  interest  upon  borrowed 
money. 

The  harm  that  debt  does.  —  A  habit  of  debt  inflicts 
the  same  kind  of  harm  upon  a  people  that  it  works  in  a 
family.  It  makes  men  careless ;  it  leads  to  further  bor- 
rowing ;  it  provokes  extravagance,  waste,  and  corruption ; 
it  sets  a  bad  example  to  individuals ;  it  is  also  very  expen- 
sive. Though  it  is  urged  that  posterity  ought  to  help  pay 
for  the  public  roads,  buildings,  and  sewers,  the  fact  is  that 
the  present  generation  has  to  pay  more  than  their  cost  in 
interest  money,  and  then  leaves  the  encumbrance  of  debt 
like  a  mortgage  upon  every  one's  property  for  one's  chil- 
dren to  pay.  On  the  contrary,  a  small  increase  in  the 
annual  taxes  would  enable  every  city  or  State  to  pay  its 


148  THE    AMEKICAN   CITIZEN. 

way  without  debt.  In  this  case  citizens  would  be  more 
careful  to  watch  the  use  of  the  public  money  which  is 
taken  from  their  own  pockets. 

The  ignorant  vote.  —  Our  country  has  welcomed  men  of 
every  nation,  and  has  given  to  all  free  citizenship  on  easy 
terms.  Many  of  the  newcomers  had  never  enjoyed  our 
advantages  of  public  schools ;  they  had  often  been  despised 
and  oppressed.  They  came  here,  therefore,  in  great  igno- 
rance and  with  strong  prejudices,  sometimes  against  all 
authority.  They  had  never  before  been  trusted  to  help 
govern  or  to  vote. 

The  freeing  of  the  slaves  in  the  South  left  a  vast  negro 
population,  who  became  voters  before  they  had  generally 
learned  to  read  and  write.  A  large  number  of  whites  in 
the  old  slave  States,  being  degraded  by  the  touch  of 
slavery,  were  poor  and  very  illiterate. 

These  ignorant  voters  help  govern ;  but  they  are  easily 
excited  and  are  apt  to  be  led  by  bad  or  foolish  men.  In 
many  localities  they  are  numerous  enough  to  turn  the 
elections. 

Popular  crazes.  —  Ideas  are  often  catching  like  wild- 
fire. The  new  idea,  if  many  people  are  thinking  and 
feeling  alike,  will  seize  all  their  minds  almost  at  once. 
Sometimes  it  is  a  good  idea  which  seizes  them,  as  after 
the  firing  on  Fort  Sumter,  when  the  idea  of  saving  the 
Union  swept  over  the  land.  But  the  popular  idea  may 
be  hasty  and  mistaken.  Thus  in  the  case  of  "  the  Green- 
back delusion,"  when  multitudes  imagined  that  the  poor 
might  be  helped  to  be  rich,  if  the  government  would  print 
sufficient  quantities  of  paper  dollars.  It  is  a  craze  when 
the  farmers  or  others  think  that  it  is  part  of  the  duty  of 
government  to  lend  money,  and  so  tempt  every  one  to  run 
into  debt.     It  was  also  a  popular  craze  that  hurried  the 


THE   ABUSES   AND  PERILS   OF   GOVERNMENT.         149 

Southern  States  into  the  War  of  Secession  against  the 
better  judgment  of  their  more  careful  citizens.  Riots, 
revolutions,  and  even  wars  have  likewise  been  kindled  by 
such  sudden  movements  of  excited  feeling.  There  is 
need,  therefore,  of  trained  and  careful  citizens  who  will 
hold  fast  like  a  rock  against  the  waves  of  sudden  passion 
or  error;  as  in  the  school  an  older  or  more  independent 
scholar  may  dissuade  the  rest  from  cowardly  or  foolish 
conduct. 

The  tyranny  of  majorities.  —  We  have  already  seen 
that  it  is  not  only  a  king  or  a  despot  who  may  exercise 
tyranny.  Sometimes  the  majority  may  abuse  their  power 
'  to  the  injury  of  the  minority.  It  is  possible  for  a  party 
who  hold  the  majority  in  a  State  to  manage  so  that  the 
other  party  shall  hardly  be  represented  in  the  government. 
It  is  possible  for  the  majority  to  levy  taxes  that  shall  bear 
unfairly  upon  the  minority.  It  needs,  therefore,  to  be  seen 
that  gaining  the  vote  of  a  majority  for  any  action  does 
not  make  the  action  right,  any  more  than  the  command 
of  a  king  makes  a  thing  right. 

The  lobby,  —  There  are  many  members  of  a  legislature 
or  Congress  who  are  ignorant  or  uninformed  upon  the 
subjects  on  which  they  must  vote.  Thus  the  legislature 
may  be  asked  to  pass  laws  relating  to  railroads  or  gas 
companies.  It  has  become  the  custom  to  employ  agents 
both  on  the  part  of  those  who  want  the  new  laws  and 
of  those  who  oppose  them,  to  wait  on  the  members  of  the 
legislature,  and  use  influence  to  secure  their  votes.  These 
agents  are  often  paid  large  salaries.  They  are  sometimes 
in  attendance  at  the  capitol  as  long  as  the  legislature  is  in 
session,  to  look  out  for  the  interests  of  their  clients.  They 
are  even  authorized  on  occasion  to  spend  money  to  further 
their  cause.     If  legislators  are  weak,  and  the  agents  are 


150  a?HE  AMERICAN   ClTlZEif. 

unprincipled,  there  will  be  bribery  and  fraud.  These 
agents  constitute  what  is  called  the  lohhy,  a  word  which 
literally  means  the  space  just  outside  the  legislative  hall. 

The  saloon  power.  —  The  great  abuses  of  the  alcoholic 
drinks  have  required  many  laws  to  check  or  resist  the 
traffic.  These  laws  have  led  the  persons  engaged  in  the 
liquor  traffic  to  stand  on  the  defensive,  and  to  combine  to 
maintain  their  business.  There  are  many  millions  of 
money  and  hundreds  of  thousands  of  people  concerned 
in  the  various  branches  of  this  business.  There  is  thus 
created  a  formidable  power  which  is  ready  to  purchase  or 
threaten  or  bargain  with  either  political  party  in  order  to 
get  its  own  ends.  In  cities  this  liquor  or  saloon  power* 
too  often  controls  elections,  or  nominates  men  to  office, 
and  even  interferes  with  the  management  of  the  police. 

It  will  be  seen  how  many  political  perils  and  diseases 
are  in  the  air.  They  demand  intelligence,  courage,  ac- 
tivity, and  patriotism  on  the  part  of  the  citizen.  Good 
citizens  are  like  the  vital  germs  in  the  blood  which  fight 
off  malaria.  If  these  healthy  vital  germs  are  numerous, 
the  body  politic  is  safe  and  strong ;  but  if  they  are  few  and 
meagre,  the  commonwealth  suffers  decay. 

Rebellion  and  revolution.  —  The  evils  of  a  govern- 
ment through  tyranny,  through  persecution,  through  cor- 
ruption and  iniquitous  laws,  may  become  intolerable. 
When  citizens  refuse  to  obey  their  government,  or  take 
up  arms  against  its  officei-s,  it  is  called  rebellion.  If  the 
rebellion  succeeds  and  the  government  is  changed, — as  for 
examplie  when  our  forefathers  established  the  republic,  — 
the  change  is  called  revolution.  Rebellion  is  right  on 
three  conditions ;  namely,  if  a  government  seriously  op- 
presses its  citizens  with  abuses ;  if  all  peaceable  measures 
of  reform  have  been  tried  in  vain ;  and  if  there  is  a  rea- 


THE   ABUSES   AND   PERILS   OF   GOVERNMENT.         151 

sonable  probability  of  replacing  the  bad  government  with 
a  better.  Otherwise  rebellion  is  a  terrible  injustice.  In 
a  republic,  rebellion  can  hardly  be  conceived  of  as  justifi- 
able. For  the  constitution  provides  peaceable  means  to 
cure  evils  by  persuading  and  enlightening  public  opin- 
ion. Rebellion,  therefore,  usually  implies  a  condition  of 
barbarism,  where  men  are  not  yet  good  or  intelligent 
enough  to  settle  their  differences  like  rational  beings. 


152  !tHE  AlklERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXIV. 

FACTS   WHICH  EVERY   ONE   SHOULD  KNOW. — 
OPEN   QUESTIONS. 

Besides  the  permanent  facts  about  the  system  of  our 
government,  there  are  certain  important  practical  facts, 
which  every  intelligent  citizen  should  know,  as  regards 
the  officials  who  for  the  time  carry  on  the  government. 

The  chief  officers  of  the  national  government.  — 
Every  one  is  supposed  to  know  who  is  the  President  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Vice-President.  One  should  also 
know  who  are  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  or  the  heads 
of  the  great  departments  of  the  government ;  and  espe- 
cially the  Secretary  of  State,  who  in  the  event  of  the 
death  of  the  President  and  Vice-President  would  suc- 
ceed to  the  Presidency.  One  should  know  who  is  the 
Speaker  or  presiding  officer  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives, who  appoints  the  most  important  committees  of 
Congress.  One  should  also  know  who  are  the  most  dis- 
tinguished members  of  Congress  in  both  parties ;  and  in 
particular  the  two  senators  from  one's  own  State,  and  at 
least  the  representative  of  one's  congressional  district. 
One  should  know  who  is  the  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  if  not  all  the  associate  judges.  One  should  also 
know  who  the  ministers  are  who  represent  our  country  at 
the  capitals  of  the  great  nations,  as  England,  France,  and 
Germany. 

The  State  officers.  —  Besides  the  governor  and  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  one's  own  State,  one  should  know  who 


FACTS   WHICH   EVERY   ONE   SHOULD   KNOW.  153 

the  State  senator  is  in  his  district,  and  who  represents  the 
town  or  city  in  the  legislature  ;  the  president  of  the  State 
Senate  and  the  speaker  of  the  House.  One  should  know 
who  are  some  of  the  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  the 
judge  of  the  local  district  court,  and  some  justice  of  the 
peace. 

The  town,  city,  and  county  officers.  —  One  should 
know  who  the  chief  officer  or  officers  of  one's  town  are,  as 
the  mayor  or  selectmen ;  the  clerk,  who  keeps  the  public 
records ;  the  treasurer,  who  has  the  public  money ;  and  the 
superintendent  or  committee,  who  manage  the  schools.  If 
it  is  a  city,  one  should  know  who  are  at  the  head  of  the 
important  departments,  with  the  alderman  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  common  council  from  one's  district. 

It  is  well  also  to  know  what  towns  and  cities  make  up  the 
county,  and  where  the  county  seat  is ;  who  is  the  sheriff ; 
the  county  or  district  attorney,  or  lawyer  who  prosecutes 
offences  ;  the  registrar  of  deeds,  who  has  the  records  of 
property ;  the  probate  judge,  who  has  charge  over  wills ; 
the  clerk  of  the  court ;  and  the  county  commissioners. 

Open  questions.  —  There  are  certain  questions  upon 
which  opinion  is  divided,  or  upon  which  citizens  have  not 
yet  thought  sufficiently  to  make  up  their  minds  to  act. 
We  have  already  hinted  at  the  difficulties  that  arise  from 
some  of  these  questions.     One  of  them  is  about  the  tariff. 

The  tariff,  or  free  trade  and  protection.  —  Whenever 
trade  follows  its  natural  course,  nations  exchange  their 
products  with  each  other,  somewhat  as  men  do  in  the  same 
country.  As  the  farmer  sells  his  hay,  buys  wheat,  hires 
carpenters  or  buys  lumber  wherever  he  can  trade  to  advan- 
tage, so  India  sends  its  cotton  or  wheat  to  England  and  buys 
of  the  English  various  manufactured  goods.  As  long  as  the 
farmer  can  sell  plenty  of  hay  and  wheat,  he  can  better 


154  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

afford  to  hire  carpenters  than  to  do  the  carpenter's  work 
himself.  So  when  England  will  pay  well  for  the  cotton, 
India  can  better  afford  to  supply  it  than  to  build  factories 
to  make  her  own  cloths. 

If  there  were  no  custom  houses  in  the  world,  so  that 
people  of  every  nation  could  freely  buy  wherever  they 
could  get  the  best  bargains,  the  various  goods  needed  in 
trade  would  be  produced  wherever  it  was  found  to  be  profit- 
able to  produce  them.  If  the  climate  and  soil  of  Cuba 
were  exactly  suited  to  raising  sugar,  the  countries  which 
could  not  raise  sugar  so  well  would  be  glad  to  get  it  from 
the  Cubans,  and  pay  for  it  in  articles  which  they  could 
make  better.     This  would  be  free  trade. 

But  governments  have  to  raise  great  sums  of  money. 
One  easy  way  to  collect  a  revenue  is  to  take  a  toll  or  duty 
upon  foreign  goods  as  they  cross  the  frontier.  This  tax  is 
the  tariff.  In  ancient  times  every  little  state  and  every 
city  collected  this  kind  of  toll,  as  the  city  of  Paris  still 
does.  As  we  know,  the  merchant  firet  pays  it,  and  then 
collects  it  in  turn  from  his  customers  by  adding  to  the 
price  of  his  goods.  This  toll  or  duty  may  be  for  one  of 
two  distinct  purposes,  or  for  both  of  them  together.  One 
purpose  is  to  raise  a  revenue  for  the  state.  Thus  England 
raises  millions  of  dollara  upon  articles  of  luxury,  as  coffee, 
tea,  tobacco,  and  wines.  Some  say  that  this  is  all  that  the 
tariff  rightly  is  for ;  namely,  to  produce  an  income  for  the 
government.  Otherwise,  they  say,  trade  ought  to  be  as 
free  as  possible. 

The  second  purpose  for  which  a  tariff  is  used  is  to  ham- 
per or  prevent  foreign  trade.  If  the  foreigner  and  his 
goods  can  be  kept  away  by  the  barrier  of  a  high  tax,  the 
sugar,  or  the  nails,  or  the  cotton  goods,  Avill  have  to  be 
made  at  home.     This  is  called  protection  to  native  indus- 


FACTS   WHICH   EVERY   ONE  SHOULD   KNOW.  155 

try.  Thus  if  the  Frenchman  can  afford  to  sell  silks  at  two 
dollars  a  yard,  but  the  tax  at  the  custom  house  is  two 
dollars  more,  it  might  pay  some  one  to  start  silk  works 
here,  and  even  to  bring  over  French  workmen.  Every 
one  who  brought  silk  from  abroad  in  this  case  would  have 
to  pay  more  in  order  that  the  American  silk  factory  might 
be  run  at  a  profit.  It  is  claimed  by  the  advocates  of  pro- 
tection that  it  is  desirable  for  a  country  to  produce,  so  far 
as  possible,  all  that  it  needs ;  and  also  that  after  the  silk 
factory  or  other  industry  has  been  protected  long  enough,  it 
will  be  able  to  produce  goods  as  cheaply  as  the  foreigners. 

It  is  one  of  the  great  open  questions  how  far  this  nation 
ought  to  protect  the  home  manufacturer ;  in  other  words, 
to  adjust  taxes  so  as  to  enable  him  to  make  money.  One 
party  claim  that  this  policy  increases  the  volume  of  work 
done  by  the  nation,  and  thus  adds  to  its  wealth ;  that  it  is, 
therefore,  American.  The  other  party  claim  that  protec- 
tion is  narrow  and  exclusive ;  that  it  is  a  survival  in  mod- 
ern times  of  the  barbarous  jealousy  which  one  nation  felt 
towards  its  rivals  as  outsiders ;  that  it  adds  to  the  gains  of 
a  few  at  the  expense  of  all ;  and  finally,  that  the  educated 
and  skilled  American  workman  does  not  need  protection. 

Prohibition  and  license.  —  Another  open  question  is  the 
treatment  of  the  liquor  traffic.  There  are  certain  kinds 
of  business  which  are  especially  dangerous,  and  whicli 
ought  therefore  to  be  under  the  control  of  discreet  men 
only.  The  sale  of  gunpowder  and  the  druggists'  business 
come  under  this  head,  and  require  some  kind  of  public 
license.  The  sale  of  alcoholic  drinks  is  particularly  dan- 
gerous, since  there  are  great  numbers  who  are  excited  or 
made  crazy  by  these  drinks.  Besides  waste  and  expense, 
injury  to  life  and  property  very  frequently  attends  their 
use.     It  is  an  open  question  how  the  public  can  best  con- 


166  THE  AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

trol  this  kind  of  business.  For  some  hold  that  on  the 
whole  it  does  so  much  harm  to  the  public,  and  so  little 
good,  that  it  ought  to  be,  like  gambling  and  lotteries, 
under  the  ban  of  the  law.  But  others  vote  to  tax  and 
restrict  it,  and  to  grant  licenses  for  carrying  it  on  only  to 
those  who  can  give  bonds  for  their  carefulness  by  the  pay- 
ment of  a  large  fee.  As  we  have  already  seen  in  Chapter 
XVI.,  this  is  partly  for  the  sake  of  raising  the  public  money. 
But  another  reason  is  to  control  and  lessen  a  dangerous 
business.  This  question  will  deserve  further  treatment 
under  the  head  of  social  duties. 

National  education.  —  The  intention  of  our  government 
has  been  to  leave  the  subject  of  education  to  each  State  to 
manage  for  itself.  If  any  State  neglects  to  educate  its 
children  to  be  intelligent  citizens,  that  State  will  be  first 
to  suffer  the  consequences  of  its  neglect.  It  is,  therefore, 
for  the  interest  of  every  State  to  provide  public  education. 

The  vast  number  of  blacks  emancipated  from  slavery 
and  admitted  to  citizenship  has  put  a  new  face  on  the  prob- 
lem of  education.  The  cost  of  public  education  bears 
hardest  upon  some  of  the  poorest  States.  The  ignorance 
of  the  voters  allows  unscrupulous  men  to  cheat  at  the 
elections.  The  voters  in  any  state  for  the  State  officers 
are  also  voters  in  United  States  elections.  It  might  happen 
thus  that  the  election  of  the  President  would  hang  upon 
the  correct  counting  of  the  ballots  of  a  few  hundred  men 
who  could  not  read. 

There  are  some,  therefore,  who  advocate  the  granting  of 
aid  from  the  national  treasury  to  help  public  education,  on 
the  ground  that  this  is  a  measure  of  national  protection. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  urged  by  equally  strong  friends  of 
public  education,  that  the  best  way  to  secure  good  schools 
is  to  leave  the  responsibility  upon  the  State  which  will 


FACTS    WHICH   EVERY   ONE   SHOULD  KNOW.  157 

benefit  by  having  them,  and  which  will  suffer  if  they  are 
neglected ;  and  that  there  is  no  State  which  is  not  able  to 
provide  its  own  schools. 

The  question  of  woman's  suffrage  has  been  referred  to  in 
Chapter  XIX.  Other  questions  relate  to  the  banks  and 
the  money;  the  treatment  of  the  Indians;  whether  the 
old  custom  of  having  two  legislative  houses  is  better  than 
to  have  a  single  house ;  whether  it  is  desirable  for  the 
government  to  own  and  manage  the  railways  and  the 
telegraph  lines,  and  in  cities  the  gas,  electric  and  water 
works,  as  well  as  the  street  railways  ;  the  various  methods 
of  taxation,  and  especially  whether  a  tax  might  not  wisely 
be  laid  upon  the  succession  of  great  estates ;  the  treatment 
of  bankrupt  debtors  (bankrupt  laws)  ;  the  best  method  of 
securing  justice  to  authors,  or  an  international  copyright 
law.  On  all  these  subjects  persons  of  wide  knowledge  hold 
different  opinions.  It  is  well,  therefore,  not  to  make  up 
one's  mind  without  careful  study. 


158  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

IMPROVEMENTS  IN  GOVERNMENT.  —  RADICALS  AND 
CONSERVATIVES. 

A  SYSTEM  of  government  is  never  completed.  New 
conditions  arise  ;  new  laws  have  to  be  made ;  old  machinery 
wears  out  and  needs  repairing ;  new  machinery  has  to  be 
invented.  This  is  especially  true  in  a  new  and  growing 
country.  There  are,  therefore,  suggestions  to  be  made  of 
possible  improvements  in  our  sj'stem  of  government. 

The  presidential  electors.  —  The  framers  of  our  Con- 
stitution believed  that  nothing  demanded  such  wisdom  and 
care  as  the  selection  of  the  President  and  Vice-President. 
They  accordingly  arranged  that  the  people  of  each  State 
should  choose  as  many  picked  men  as  the  number  of  its 
senators  and  representatives  together.  These  leading  citi- 
zens from  all  the  States  should  form  the  electoral  college, 
who  should  be  quite  free  to  select,  from  the  whole  nation, 
the  fittest  candidates  for  the  two  great  offices  at  the  head 
of  the  government.^ 

This  beautiful  plan  has  entirely  failed.  The  presidential 
electors,  so  far  from  being  free  to  choose  the  best  men  they 
can  find,  are  really  pledged  beforehand  to  cast  their  votes 
for  particular  candidates.  A  great  convention  of  each 
party  fixes  the  candidates.  A  child  could  do  all  that  is 
required  of  a  presidential  elector. 

The  method  of  choice  for  the  electors,  moreover,  is 
thought  not  to  work  fairly.     The  voters  of  each  State  cast 

1  Consult  Article  XII.  of  the  Amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  th« 
United  States. 


IMPROVEMENTS   IN   GOVERNMENT.  159 

their  ballots,  not  directly  for  the  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent, but  for  the  list  of  their  party  electors.  A  plurality  of 
votes  for  a  list  elects  the  whole  list.  That  is,  if  there  are 
three  tickets  or  lists  before  the  voters,  and  one  of  them  has 
forty  thousand  votes,  the  next  has  thirty-five  thousand,  and 
the  third  has  twenty-five  thousand,  the  list  which  has  more 
than  either  of  the  others  wins  the  vote  of  the  whole  State. 
The  votes  of  the  other  parties  are  thus  thrown  away,  while 
a  list  may  be  elected  which  did  not  have  nearly  a  majority 
of  the  vote  of  the  State. 

Moreover,  in  this  way  a  minority  of  the  people  of  the 
United  States  may  elect  President  and  Vice-President, 
while  an  actual  majority  of  the  voters  prefer  the  opposite 
candidates.  For  the  weaker  party,  which  had,  for  example, 
only  seven  million  votes  in  the  nation  ojit  of  fifteen  mil- 
lions, might,  notwithstanding,  by  winning  the  whole  elec- 
toral vote  of  the  great  States  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania, 
and  Ohio,  with  some  smaller  States,  finally  get  a  majority 
by  one  or  two  votes  in  the  electoral  college,  although  the 
opposite  party  actually  cast  eight  million  votes. 

This  fact  is  a  temptation  to  spend  a  great  deal  of  money 
in  carrying  the  election  in  States  where  the  parties  are 
nearly  balanced.  Whereas  in  other  States,  where  a  party 
has  a  very  large  majority,  men  often  do  not  take  the  trouble 
to  vote. 

It  would  seem  to  be  fairer,  since  the  electoral  college  has 
failed  of  its  purpose,  to  abolish  it,  and  to  permit  every  citi- 
zen to  vote  directly  for  the  President  and  Vice-President, 
and  to  declare  the  candidates  elected  who  have  actually 
the  most  votes  in  the  whole  country.  There  would  then 
be  no  temptation  to  spend  money  in  carrying  an  election 
in  one  part  of  the  country  more  than  in  another,  and  every 
citizen  would  be  made  to  feel  his  responsibility  to  vote. 


160  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  time  of  the  meeting  of  Congress.  —  The  members 
of  a  new  Congress  are  elected  every  other  year  in  Novem- 
ber. But  the  Congress  thus  elected  does  not  meet  till  the 
December  of  the  year  following.  Meanwhile  the  old  Con- 
gress continues  to  serve,  though  the  country  may  have 
voted  to  turn  out  many  of  its  members,  and  to  change  its 
majority  to  the  opposite  party.  A  new  President  may  also 
have  been  inaugurated  in  March.  The  long  interval  be- 
tween the  election  and  the  meeting  of  Congress  was  per- 
haps well  enough  in  the  early  days  of  the  republic,  when 
it  required  many  weeks  to  travel  from  the  more  distant 
States.  But  it  is  quite  absurd,  now  that  a  week  will  bring 
the  most  distant  representative  to  his  seat  in  Washington. 

The  responsibility  of  the  executive.  —  Our  fathers 
were  afraid  that  governors  and  presidents  might  usurp  too 
much  power  ;  but  they  did  not  foresee  that  committees  of 
Congress  and  the  legislature,  and  even  the  committees  of 
parties,  might  also  usurp  the  power  and  meddle  with  the 
government.  It  is  as  though  the  stockholders  of  a  great 
railroad  feared  to  trust  their  superintendent,  or  to  give 
him  the  power  to  appoint  his  officers  or  to  manage  the 
road ;  but  tried  instead  to  keep  the  business  in  their  own 
hands.  If  accidents  then  happened,  or  losses  befell  the 
road,  no  one  in  particular  could  be  blamed. 

The  larger  and  more  complicated  the  government  be- 
comes, the  more  directly  do  Ave  need  to  make  the  chief 
executive  responsible  for  its  good  conduct.  The  President 
must  choose  the  best  Postmaster-General,  and  he  in  turn 
must  have  command  of  the  business  of  his  office.  If  any- 
thing is  at  fault,  it  will  be  because  the  head  is  at  fault,  and 
will  reflect  so  much  discredit  upon  the  President  who  made 
the  appointment.  So  in  the  other  departments  of  the 
administration.      If   there  is  waste  of   money  in    useless 


IMPROVEMENTS  IN  GOVERNMENT.  161 

public  works,  we  ought  to  know  at  once  what  head  of  a 
department  is  to  blame.  But  if  the  public  business  is 
wisely  administered,  we  shall  like  to  re-elect  the  President 
who  gives  us  good  and  honest  service. 

In  the  same  way  in  the  States,  and  especially  in  the 
cities.  We  need  to  make  the  mayor  more  directly  respon- 
sible, like  the  railroad  superintendent,  and  to  give  him 
power  enough  to  carry  out  his  work.  He  shall  choose 
men  as  the  heads  of  the  various  departments  of  the  city, 
as  the  railroad  superintendent  or  president  chooses  his 
assistants.  The  various  committees,  for  example,  upon 
the  streets,  will  then  be  responsible  not  for  the  conduct  of 
the  work,  but  only  to  make  report  upon  it,  and  to  offer 
suggestions  for  its  improvement. 

The  Cabinet  and  Congress.  —  It  is  customary  for  the 
President  to  communicate  with  Congress  by  letters  or 
messages;  it  is  also  the  custom  for  the  heads  of  the 
various  departments  of  government  to  make  reports  to 
Congress,  and  to  recommend  plans  for  the  public  service. 
It  has  not  been  the  custom  for  the  President  or  members 
of  his  Cabinet  to  appear  on  the  floor  of  Congress  and  to 
explain  the  policy  of  the  government,  or  to  answer  ques- 
tions about  it.  It  is  as  though  the  president  and  cashier 
of  a  bank  were  never  to  meet  the  directors  or  to  be  given 
an  opportunity,  except  in  writing,  of  stating  what  plans 
seem  desirable  for  the  prosperity  of  the  bank. 

It  happens,  therefore,  that  the  executive  and  the  legisla- 
tive branches  of  the  government  sometimes  work  out  of 
gear.  Congress  often  fails  to  do  anything  to  meet  the 
recommendations  of  the  heads  of  the  great  departments. 
The  executive  and  Congress  would  be  brought  closer  if 
the  members  of  the  Cabinet  could  at  any  time  bring  for- 
ward the  business  of  their  departments  before  Congress ; 


162  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

or  again,  could  be  invited  to  present  their  plans  in  person. 
The  administration  would  thus  be  made  more  directly- 
responsible  for  public  measures.  The  country  would  know 
where  a  plan  was  started,  whereas  now  many  ill-considered 
plans  proceed  from  committees,  where  no  one  can  easily 
trace  the  blame.  Moreover,  a  Congressman  represents  his 
district  or  State ;  but  we  need  some  one  to  speak  for  the 
nation. 

So  also  in  the  government  of  the  State,  where  the  gov- 
ernor and  the  heads  of  the  departments  should  have  a 
hearing  in  the  legislature,  and  be  able  to  bring  forward 
plans  for  the  public  service.  The  mayor  and  his  chiefs 
should  likewise  directly  present  their  plans  for  the  public 
service  before  the  city  council. 

Fewer  elective  officers.  —  The  ordinary  citizen  cannot 
easily  know  the  fitness  for  office  of  many  candidates.  He 
must  choose  by  rumor  and  report,  and  sometimes  unfairly. 
It  is  not  desirable,  therefore,  to  multiply  the  offices  to  be 
filled  by  general  elections.  There  are  many  important 
offices  now  filled  at  haphazard  by  the  vote  of  a  multitude, 
which  might  more  fitly  be  filled  by  the  appointment  of  the 
executive,  who  would  then  be  responsible  for  good  appoint- 
ments. All  judges,  sheriffs,  and  attorneys  for  the  govern- 
ment ought  specially  to  be  chosen  in  this  more  careful  way 
rather  than  by  popular  election. 

Longer  terms  of  office.  —  It  would  injure  any  industry 
or  business  to  change  the  management  every  year.  So  it 
hurts  the  interest  of  the  state  or  city  to  make  frequent 
changes  (rotation  in  office)  in  the  heads  of  the  govern- 
ment. As  a  rule,  a  good  officer  ought  to  be  kept  as  long 
as  he  will  serve.  If  another  might  do  as  well,  the  expe- 
rience of  the  first  constantly  adds  to  his  value.  It  must 
be  remembered  that  the  offices  are  not  in  order  to  give 


IMPROVEMENTS  IN  GOVERNMENT.         163 

men  places,  but  to  serve  the  people  as  well  as  possible. 
There  has  been  a  bad  law  by  which  the  term  of  numerous 
postmasters  and  other  officei-s,  appointed  directly  by  the 
President,  expires  at  the  end  of  four  years.  This  law 
ought  to  be  repealed. 

The  two-thirds  vote.  —  There  are  many  cases  where  it 
seems  fair  or  necessary  that  a  bare  majority  should  decide 
a  question ;  or,  when  there  are  several  plans  or  candidates, 
it  may  be  quite  fair  to  agree  upon  the  one  that  has  a  plu- 
rality, or  more  than  any  other.  But  there  are  also  cases 
when  it  does  not  seem  wise  or  fair  to  compel  a  large 
minority  by  a  majority  vote.  It  is  often  agreed,  for 
instance,  that  there  must  be  a  vote  of  two-thirds  to  change 
the  constitution  of  a  State.  It  is  believed  that  for  taking 
so  important  a  step,  a  bare  majority  ought  to  wait  till  they 
have  persuaded  others  to  agree  with  them.  Action  that 
is  thus  delayed  is  likely  to  remain,  whereas  action  which 
a  bare  majority  hasten  through  may  be  soon  reversed.  It 
would  be  well  if  this  courtesy  towards  a  minority  were 
oftener  required  by  our  laws.  It  is  an  application  of  the 
excellent  rule,  "  to  do  as  Ave  would  be  done  by,"  to  respect 
the  reasonable  protest  of  a  large  minority. 

The  reform  of  the  caucus.  —  It  has  been  shown  that 
many  elections  are  practically  decided  by  the  caucus,  or 
meeting,  of  the  stronger  party.  Whatever  the  caucus 
decides  upon  is  likely  to  be  done.  If  a  little  ring  or  com- 
mittee manage  the  caucus  and  arrange  its  business,  it  may 
accordingly  happen  that  the  citizen  becomes  merely  a 
voting-machine  to  do  what  has  been  arranged  beforehand. 
The  party  committee  of  the  caucus  also  frequently  collect 
and  expend  a  good  deal  of  money. 

The  caucus,  therefore,  should  be  so  contrived  as  to  give 
every  citizen  fair  and  independent  opportunity  to  express 


164  ^HE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

his  mind  and  make  his  own  choice.  The  Australian  bal- 
lot system,  for  example,  if  used  at  the  caucus,  would 
permit  voters  freely  to  use  their  influence  in  favor  of 
the  best  candidates.  A  published  account  of  all  elec- 
tion expenses  would  also  be  a  check  upon  the  abuse  of 
money  at  elections;  for  all  evil  practices  shrink  from 
publicity. 

Radicals  and  conservatives.  —  There  are  some  per- 
sons in  every  community  who  naturally  favor  new  plans 
and  changes.  They  hold  that  it  is  desirable  to  improve 
the  government,  and  that  no  government  is  so  good  but 
that  it  may  be  better.  These  are  the  progressives  or  radi- 
cals. Men  are  sometimes  progressives  because  they  are 
wise,  far-sighted,  and  courageous,  but  others,  because  they 
are  fickle,  and  love  change. 

There  are  also  certain  persons  who  dread  change,  who 
are  aware  of  the  expense  and  risk  that  attend  it,  and  who 
hold  that  it  is  wise  as  a  rule  to  "  let  well  enough  alone," 
or  at  least  to  delay  change  till  it  becomes  quite  necessary. 
These  are  the  conservatives.  Men  may  be  conservative 
because  they  are  experienced  and  cautious  ;  or,  again,  be- 
cause they  are  timid  and  lazy. 

Between  the  progressives  and  the  conservatives  are  many 
citizens  who  are  sometimes  on  one  side  and  again  on  the 
other,  or  who  favor  one  so-called  reform  but  oppose  the 
next.  The  discussion  and  opposition  of  these  two  tenden- 
cies help  to  bring  to  view  the  advantages  and  difficulties 
of  every  new  plan  proposed. 

The  great  political  parties,  as  the  Tories  and  Radicals 
in  England,  sometimes  shift  places  with  each  other,  and 
the  party  which  has  once  opposed  change  or  reform  will 
be  found  foremost  in  advocating  some  radical  measure  in 
order  to  get  into  power.     The  great  mass  of  men  are  very 


IMPROVEMEJNTS   LN   GOVEKNMEiJT.  165 

liable,  like  a  party  of  boys,  to  go  with  a  rush  where  their 
leaders  direct. 

The  fair  presumption.  —  We  rarely  approach  any  ques- 
tion that  needs  to  be  decided  without  some  bias  in  favor  of 
one  side  or  the  other.  Often  we  have  a  right  to  this  bias. 
Thus  we  presume  that  any  man  acciLsed  of  a  crime  is  inno- 
cent until  he  is  proved  to  be  guilty.  The  presumption,  as 
we  say,  is  always  in  favor  of  holding  a  man  to  be  good 
rather  than  bad.  So  in  political  questions.  There  is  always 
a  fair  presumption  in  favor  of  the  old  or  accustomed  way 
and  against  change.  It  is  for  those  who  advocate  change 
to  show  that  the  old  way  is  wrong  or  unwise,  or  to  prove 
that  change  is  likely  to  be  a  real  improvement,  and  so  to 
increase  the  public  good. 

There  is  always  a  presumption,  however,  in  favor  of  a 
principle,  as  justice  or  liberty.  If  a  custom,  however  ven- 
erable, like  slavery,  can  be  shown  to  be  contrary  to  the 
principle  of  human  freedom,  the  presumption  is  at  once 
turned  against  it.  So  if  any  change,  like  Civil  Service 
reform,  is  demanded  by  justice. 

The  ideal  citizen.  —  The  ideal  or  best  possible  citizen  is 
conservative  and  progressive  at  once.  For  he  prefers  the 
old  and  familiar  methods  of  government  as  long  as  they 
continue  to  do  good  service ;  but  he  is  perfectly  willing  to 
listen  to  any  plan  which  promises  better  service.  He  is 
cautious  in  trying  political  experiments,  but  fearless  as 
soon  as  he  sees  that  the  change  is  right.  Thus  the  men 
who  founded  our  republic  were  at  the  same  time  wise  and 
brave  and  candid.  The  best  citizen  also  is  hopeful  about 
the  future  of  the  nation,  for  he  believes,  whatever  abuses 
there  are,  that  Right  will  triumph  in  the  end.  He  is  quite 
willing,  therefore,  to  act  with  a  minority  for  a  while,  in 
order  to  further  a  just  principle. 


PART   THIRD. 

ECONOMIC  DUTIES,  OR  THE  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES 
OF  BUSINESS  AND  MONET. 


PART    THIRD. 

ECONOMIC  DUTIES,  OR  THE  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES 
OF  BUSINESS  AND  MONEY. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

WHAT   WEALTH  IS. 

Theke  are  two  meanings  of  wealth.  The  larger  mean- 
ing comprises  everything  which  makes  men  "well  off." 
In  this  sense  a  man's  health,  his  home,  his  children,  the 
salubrious  climate,  the  air  and  the  rain,  the  beautiful  scenery 
of  his  country,  are  a  part  of  his  wealth.  In  this  broad 
sense  the  man  who  enjoyed  life  most  amply,  whether  he 
had  much  or  little  property,  would  be  best  off  or  most 
wealthy.  In  this  sense,  indeed,  his  best  wealth,  which 
made  him  most  happy,  might  not  have  any  money  or 
market  value. 

In  the  narrower  sense  wealth  is  everything  which  has 
a  market  value ;  that  is,  which  can  be  bought  and  sold. 
Houses,  ships,  lands,  wheat,  cattle,  furniture,  books  and 
pictures,  gold,  silver,  iron,  —  all  such  things  constitute  visi- 
ble wealth,  which  we  can  see  and  touch.  If  such  things, 
wherever  they  could  be  found,  were  added  together,  they 
would  make  up  the  wealth  of  the  nation. 

Natural  wealth.  —  There  is  much  that  is  often  called 
wealth  which  has  no  present  market  value.  The  fish  on 
our  shores,  the  wild  lands  in   the  West,  the   timber  in 


170  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Alaska,  the  ores  in  the  mines,  —  all  these  things  of  un- 
known value  may  some  time  be  wealth,  but  they  are  not 
yet  wealth,  till  they  can  be  bought  and  sold. 

In  the  strict  sense  of  the  word,  man  always  creates 
wealth;  sometimes  by  his  labor,  as  when  he  produces 
wheat  or  builds  a  house ;  sometimes  by  bringing  a  thing, 
like  wild  fruit,  to  market,  and  offering  it  for  sale ;  and 
again  merely  by  claiming  it  as  his  own,  as  when  a  man 
fences  off  a  piece  of  land,  or  discovers  a  mine. 

Wealth  in  public  works.  —  That  is  not  always  wealth 
which  costs  money.  Thus  a  city  may  spend  millions  of 
dollars  in  building  sewera  or  constructing  streets.  But 
the  sewers  and  streets  are  not  strictly  wealth,  since  when 
they  are  constructed  no  one  would  pay  anything  for  them. 
There  may  be  public  works  also,  like  jails  and  almshouses, 
in  which  wealth  is  sunk.  The  need  of  such  things  is  a 
public  misfortune,  and  stands  for  the  presence  of  poverty 
and  crime.  In  other  words,  a  nation  that  had  outgrown 
the  necessity  for  jails  and  almshouses  would  be  richer  than 
a  nation  that  had  many  costly  buildings  of  this  sort.  As 
a  well  man,  who  has  no  medicines  in  his  house,  is  better 
off  than  a  lame  or  sick  man  who  has  a  large  supply  of 
crutches  and  drugs. 

Wealth  is  likewise  sunk  in  fortifications  and  war-ships. 
The  nation  would  be  richer  if  it  had  no  need  of  these 
things,  as  a  man  is  better  off  who  does  not  have  to  keep 
pistols  to  defend  himself  from  burglai-s. 

Wealth  in  men.  —  There  is  wealth  in  horses  or  mules, 
because  they  can  work,  and  can  therefore  be  bought  and 
6old,  or  hired.  There  was  also  wealth  in  men,  for  the  same 
reason,  under  the  system  of  slavery.  A  large  part  of  all 
the  property  of  a  slave  State  was  in  men.  This  kind  of 
wealth  did  not  disappear  because  the  slaves  were  made 


WHAT    WEALTH   IS.  171 

free,  as  free  men  own  themselves  instead  of  being  owned 
by  masters.  They  can  hire  or  sell  their  labor,  their  skill, 
or  their  knowledge.  A  man  without  owning  any  visible 
wealth  may  possess  qualities  in  himself,  such  as  experience 
and  integrity,  which  will  bring  thousands  of  dollars  a  year. 
A  young  State  which  has  many  such  men  will  soon  have 
abundant  visible  wealth.  But  although  wealth  in  men, 
that  is,  their  labor  and  skill,  can  be  bought  and  sold,  so 
that  a  man  with  no  money  and  a  good  trade  is  richer  than 
an  ignorant  man  with  a  thousand  dollars,  yet  this  kind  of 
wealth  is  not  generally  counted.  It  is  not  shown  in  the 
census  reports;  in  fact,  it  is  not  easy  to  measure  it  in 
money. 

Wealth  in  paper.  —  A  man  may  have  large  wealth  and 
never  see  it.  Some  of  it  may  have  been  lent  to  farmers  or 
to  help  build  warehouses  in  a  distant  city.  Some  of  it  may 
have  helped  a  company  of  men  to  build  a  mill,  or  a  line 
of  steamere,  or  a  railroad,  in  a  new  State.  Some  of  it  may 
have  been  put  into  a  bank,  and  then  loaned  with  other 
money  all  over  the  country.  But  while  the  rich  man  may 
not  see  anything  which  he  owns,  he  has  papers  which  show 
the  amount  of  his  wealth.  Some  of  these  papers  are  notes, 
signed  by  men  who  promise  to  pay  so  many  dollars ;  or 
mortgages  on  the  farmer's  house  and  land;  or  railroad 
bonds,  which  are  notes  of  the  railroad  company ;  or  certifi- 
cates of  so  many  shares  in  the  mill  or  the  bank ;  or  bonds 
of  the  government,  which  are  really  a  sort  of  mortgage 
upon  all  the  property  of  the  people ;  or  paper  bills,  which 
promise  so  many  dollars  in  gold  or  silver. 

This  paper  wealth,  these  bonds  and  notes  and  certifi- 
cates, may  be  bought  and  sold  in  the  market,  but  they 
have  no  value  in  themselves ;  the  country  would  not  be 
poorer  if  they  were  burned.     Yet  they  are  often  counted 


172  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

as  so  much  wealth.  A  State  like  New  York  is  said  to 
have  so  many  millions  of  dollars  in  visible  wealth,  and 
so  many  millions  more  in  paper  wealth.  It  is  evident  that 
in  this  way  the  same  wealth  is  often  counted  twice.  For 
example :  the  railroad  is  counted  once  for  its  visible  value 
in  land,  rails,  stations,  and  cars ;  and  then  it  is  counted 
again  for  the  paper  bonds  and  shares,  which  merely  show 
who  its  owners  are. 

So  with  the  mortgage  on  the  farmer's  land.  It  shows 
that  for  the  present  some  one  else  owns  part  of  the  farm. 
Perhaps  a  savings-bank  has  the  mortgage,  in  which  case 
all  the  depositors  in  the  bank  have  a  share  together  in  the 
farm. 

As  we  have  already  seen,  the  government  often  attempts 
to  tax  the  same  property,  first  as  visible  and  again  as  paper 
wealth.^  Thus  the  farmer  will  pay  the  full  tax  on  his 
farm;  the  bank  or  company  which  loaned  money  to  the 
farmer  may  pay  another  tax ;  and  the  individual  who  has 
a  share  in  the  bank  may  pay  again. 

The  wealth  in  paper  may  sometimes  mean  an  addition 
to  the  real  wealth  of  a  state.  Thus  the  people  of  Great 
Britain  own  hundreds  of  millions  of  value  all  over  the 
world  in  lands  and  mines,  etc.  The  bonds  and  paper  cer- 
tificates show  that  other  countries  are  so  much  in  the  debt 
of  Great  Britain.  So  the  people  of  Philadelphia  may  hold 
paper  bonds  and  shares  in  stores  and  mills  in  a  number  of 
cities  in  the  West,  and  the  people  of  other  cities  may  like- 
wise own  in  Philadelphia  in  the  same  way. 

False  wealth.  —  There  may  be  wealth,  or  things  which 

can  be  bought  and  sold  in  the  market,  which  harm  the 

persons  who  use  them.     Thus,  if  ardent  spirits  hurt  and 

degrade    a   community,  the  distilleries  and  saloons  used 

1  See  Chapter  XVI.  p.  95. 


WHAT  WEALTH   IS.  173 

by  the  liquor  business  must  lessen  the  wealth  of  the  peo- 
ple. Although,  therefore,  the  census  reports  may  add  so 
many  millions  for  the  distilleries  and  saloons,  or  for  build- 
ings used  by  gambler§,  a  true  estimate  would  be  to  sub- 
tract this  value,  since  that  cannot  really  be  wealth  which 
in  some  way  does  not  make  men  better  off.  It  is  as  if  a 
farmer  kept  a  vicious  bull  which  destroyed  every  year 
several  times  its  value. 

How  wealth  varies.  —  That  which  is  wealth  in  one 
place  may  not  be  in  another.  Land  which  is  worth  several 
dollars  a  foot  in  New  York  may  be  worth  nothing  in  Green- 
land, nor  a  picture  in  Patagonia.  This  is  because  wealth 
depends  on  a  market,  or  the  desire  of  men  to  buy  and  sell. 
Even  the  same  market  may  change  from  one  year  to 
another.  Thus  London  is  called  the  great  market  of  the 
world,  because  all  sorts  of  things  are  bought  and  sold 
there.  But,  in  case  of  rumors  of  war,  men's  desire  to  buy 
and  sell  might  be  suddenly  checked.  In  that  case  the 
value  of  many  kinds  of  wealth  would  fall,  although  the 
things  themselves  would  still  remain. 

Robinson  Crusoe's  lands  and  goats,  though  real  wealth, 
would  not  strictly  be  wealth  till  other  men  appeared  to 
purchase  them,  that  is,  to  make  a  market.  Even  gold 
would  not  be  wealth  on  the  lonely  island,  for  one  man 
would  have  no  use  for  it. 

All  wealth  is  constantly  being  destroyed,  or  used  up,  or 
worn  out.  Some  kinds,  like  food,  are  only  good  for  imme- 
diate consumption.  Clothing  lasts  a  little  longer,  but  soon 
has  to  be  renewed.  Houses  and  buildings  at  last  go  to 
decay.  The  gold  and  iron  wear  out.  Perhaps  one-eighth 
of  all  the  wealth  in  a  country  is  used  up  in  a  single  year. 
Among  a  poor  or  barbarous  people  probably  the  propor- 
tion is  much  larger.     The  land  is  the  one  thing  which 


174  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

remains  the  same ;  but  its  fertility  is  often  exhausted 
while  the  demand  for  it  is  constantly  changing. 

The  increase  of  wealth.  —  Although  wealth  is  con- 
stantly destroyed  or  worn  out,  it  is  also  re-created.  The 
harvests  of  each  year  renew  it;  the  labor  and  skill  of  mil- 
lions of  persons  change  the  raw  products  into  new  and 
higher  values,  as  in  the  case  of  a  steel  watch-spring,  worth 
many  fold  the  cost  of  the  crude  iron  ore.  Even  the  land 
may  grow  in  value  by  being  tilled,  or  the  growth  of  a  citj 
may  give  each  square  foot  of  land  a  greater  value  than  an 
acre  possessed  before  the  city  was  built.  A  large  part  of 
the  wealth  of  people  in  towns  and  cities  consists  merely  in 
the  land  upon  which  stores  and  houses  are  crowded  to- 
gether. The  greater  the  city,  the  more  the  value  of  this 
land. 

The  wealth  of  a  people  is  thus  like  the  body  of  a  man. 
It  is  in  a  state  of  constant  change  or  flux.  It  is  always 
being  renewed  or  made  over.  On  the  average,  it  is  all 
made  over  once  in  a  few  years,  but  some  parts  of  it  are 
more  durable  than  the  rest. 


THE   CONDITIONS   OF   WEALTH.  175 


CHAPTER   XXVII. 

THE   CONDITIONS   OF   WEAIiTH. 

If  a  household  of  cliildren  were  rude  and  destructive, 
or  had  not  learned  how  to  use  toys  or  articles  of  furniture, 
it  would  be  impossible  for  them  to  keep  anything  of  value  : 
they  would  have  no  wealth.  So  with  a  savage  people. 
As  long  as  men  were  barbarous,  the  duties  of  business  and 
property  were  extremely  simple.  The  land  belonged  to 
the  whole  family  or  tribe.  There  was  little  furniture  in 
the  rude  tents  or  huts  where  the  people  lived  together  in 
alternate  plenty  and  want.  There  was  little  or  no  barter 
or  exchange  of  goods,  and  no  shops  or  merchants,  and  not 
for  a  long  time  any  coined  money.  The  chiefs  lived  much 
like  the  common  people,  as  is  still  the  case  among  the 
American  Indians.  As  men  came  to  live  in  cities,  life 
grew  less  simple ;  all  sorts  of  luxuries  were  demanded ; 
various  trades  arose ;  and  there  became  everywhere  a 
wealthy  class,  living  differently  from  their  neighbors.  The 
growth  of  cities  brought  travel,  and  therefore  the  more 
trade,  as  the  people  of  one  place  learned  to  desire  the 
things  which  another  place  produced.  There  came  to  be 
great  trading  cities,  like  Tyre  and  Carthage,  which  sent 
their  ships  beyond  the  Mediterranean  Sea. 

Unfavorable  conditions.  —  There  were  serious  obstacles, 
however,  in  early  times  in  the  way  of  industry  and  com- 
merce and  the  amassing  of  wealth. 

War.  —  There  was  almost  constant  war.  A  rich  city 
was  always  liable  to  be  pillaged  and  burned.     The  cara- 


176  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

vans  of  merchants  were  likely  to  be  attacked  by  robbers. 
Men  had  to  defend  themselves,  or  to  obey  ambitious  kings, 
and  had  not  the  leisure  to  work  and  earn  money. 

Piracy.  —  The  seas,  too,  were  infested  with  pirates,  who 
thought  it  right  to  seize  merchant-ships,  and  sell  theif 
crews  for  slaves. 

Slavery.  —  Slavery  also  obstructed  industry  and  busi- 
ness. The  slaves  did  less  work  than  free  men  could  do, 
and  the  latter  were  less  willing  to  work.  Thus  there  came 
to  be  everywhere  a  great  class  of  idle  people. 

Caste.  —  In  some  countries  also,  as  in  India  to-day,  there 
were  castes,  that  is,  classes  of  people,  the  members  of 
which  could  not  change  their  occupation.  The  son  of  a 
tanner  had  to  be  a  tanner  too.  Thus  bright  men  in  the 
lower  castes  were  kept  from  rising.  Ambition  and  inven- 
tion were  checked,  and  warriors  were  thought  better  than 
workers. 

Prejudice  against  foreigners.  —  There  was  a  prejudice 
everywhere  against  foreigners,  who  were  not  given  an  equal 
chance  with  native  citizens,  and  whose  goods  were  often 
heavily  taxed,  and  sometimes  confiscated. 

Thus  war,  piracy,  slavery,  caste,  contempt  of  work, 
jealousy  of  foreigners  —  in  fact,  all  unjust  customs  —  hin- 
dered business,  and  prevented  the  increase  of  wealth. 

The  physical  conditions  of  wealth ;  the  climate.  — 
There  are  certain  countries  in  which,  so  far  as  we  know, 
there  has  never  been  any  wealth.  In  the  arctic  regions, 
for  example,  where  the  energies  of  man  are  nearly  ex- 
hausted in  the  fight  with  winter,  there  could  never  be  a 
rich  civilization.  In  the  heart  of  Africa  or  under  the  equa- 
tor civilization  has  never  flourished.  On  the  contrary,  the 
richest  nations  dwell  in  temperate  regions.  The  climate 
of  a  country,  then,  is  one  of  the  conditions  that  help  or 
hinder  the  wealth  of  a  people. 


THE  CONDITIONS   OF   WEALTH.  177 

Natural  resources.  —  Certain  countries  are  poor  by 
nature.  The  soil  may  be  sterile,  fuel  may  be  scarce,  the 
supplies  of  valuable  minerals  may  be  scanty.  Other  coun- 
tries enjoy  rich  lands,  ample  forests  and  coal  fields,  vast 
water  power,  good  harbors,  and  inexhaustible  mines.  The 
United  States  are  thus  magnificently  endowed  with  the 
materials  of  wealth. 

The  spur  of  necessity.  —  In  the  Garden  of  Eden,  as  in 
one  of  the  beautiful  islands  of  the  Southern  Pacific  Ocean, 
there  would  be  little  wealth.  The  people  would  be  too 
comfortable  to  need  to  labor.  The  abundance  of  fruit 
would  content  them ;  the  mild  climate  would  not  require 
much  clothing  or  the  building  of  permanent  houses.  There 
never  would  be  art  or  books  unless  men  learned  to  work, 
and  few  would  learn  to  work  unless  there  was  some 
necessity. 

As  soon,  however,  as  the  conditions  of  living  become 
harder ;  when  fruits  do  not  grow  of  themselves,  but  have 
to  be  cultivated ;  when  cold  and  wet  demand  clothes  for 
men's  bodies ;  when  men  require  shelter  and  permanent 
houses,  wealth  begins  through  the  spur  of  necessity. 
Necessity  teaches  men  to  work ;  all  work  requires  more 
work  to  perfect  and  secure  it ;  the  field  once  tilled  has  to 
be  fenced  or  protected  from  wild  creatures ;  the  house  has 
to  be  enlarged  and  improved  ;  inventions  come  to  save 
labor,  and  the  inventions  themselves  demand  new  kinds 
of  labor  and  new  appliances,  that  is,  more  wealth.  The 
introduction  of  the  l^lephone  into  a  town  requires  an  in- 
creased force  of  men  and  women  to  manage  the  business, 
and  the  increasing  numbers  require  more  houses  and  more 
telephones. 

The  necessity  at  first  seems  to  be  a  misfortune.  Thus 
in  the  north  the  long  and  cold  winter  requires  fuel  and 


178  THE   AMEEICAN   CITIZEN. 

hay,  and  more  labor  to  supply  these  necessaries.  It  comes 
to  pass  that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  wealth  of  the 
nation  consists  in  wood,  coal,  and  hay,  which  the  rigor  of 
the  climate  demands. 

Everything  that  men  esteem  precious  thus  arises  from 
some  kind  of  necessity,  either  real  or  imaginary.  The 
need  of  bread  or  shoes  or  tools  stirs  them  to  work  to 
overcome  the  need,  and  thus  to  grow  rich. 

Intellectual  conditions ;  enterprise  or  energy.  —  There 
are  some  races,  and  certain  persons  in  every  race,  who  are 
more  easily  contented  or  more  indolent  than  othei"S.  They 
do  not  feel  so  keenly  the  spur  of  necessity.  One  condition 
of  wealth,  therefore,  is  energy  or  enterprise.  The  enter- 
prising farmer  will  work  more  hours  in  a  day ;  take  better 
care  of  his  cattle ;  provide  warmer  buildings ;  fertilize  his 
land ;  and  grow  rich  by  his  labor. 

Intelligence.  —  An  ignorant  people  have  few  wants,  and 
therefore  little  wealth.  An  ignorant  people  could  not 
have  invented  the  steam-engine,  neither  would  they  have 
felt  the  need  for  the  articles  which  the  steam-engine  helps 
to  produce.  It  is  when  the  average  intelligence  of  people 
has  risen  to  demand  a  vast  supply  of  many  things,  that 
the  spur  of  necessity  urges  inventors  to  harness  the  forces 
of  nature  to  help  them  in  shops,  mills,  and  railroads.  The 
single  invention  of  the  steam-engine,  called  forth  by  intel- 
ligence, has  within  a  few  years  increased  many  times  the 
wealth  of  the  world. 

Taste.  —  A  certain  portion  of  all  *^ealth  is  for  enjoy- 
ment or  decoration.  Pictures,  statues,  beautiful  buildings, 
instruments  of  music,  the  products  of  the  various  arts,  con- 
stitute this  kind  of  wealth.  It  arises  from  higher  kinds 
of  need,  as  men  come  to  want  satisfaction  for  their  sense 
of  beauty.     As  soon  as  a  people  have  learned  how  to  pro- 


THE   CONDITIONS   OF   WEALTH.  179 

vide  plenty  of  the  great  necessaries  of  food  and  clothing, 
they  can  afford  to  set  a  larger  number  of  their  workmen 
free  to  produce  and  to  cheapen  the  articles  of  taste.  Many 
can  now  have  pictures  and  books,  and  pianos,  which  once 
the  few  only  could  enjoy.  The  more  taste  the  peopl? 
have,  the  larger  will  be  the  production  of  this  form  of 
wealth.  The  call  for  works  of  art,  taste,  comfort,  and 
luxury  requires  more  shops  and  houses ;  that  is,  greater 
wealth  of  other  kinds.  So  the  taste  for  natural  scenery 
adds  a  new  value  to  rocky  hills  and  wild  shores,  for  which 
persons  without  taste  would  see  no  use. 

Moral  conditions  :  Honesty.  —  There  are  certain  moral 
conditions  of  wealth.  There  would  be  little  wealth,  if 
thieves  and  robbers  were  abroad.  For  it  would  be  hope- 
less to  labor  and  gather  abundance,  only  to  be  snatched 
away.  So,  too,  if  the  government  were  dishonest  and  took 
men's  savings  ruthlessly  from  them,  like  the  government 
of  the  Turks. 

Good  faith  or  trust.  —  Wealth  is  daily  changing  hands. 
A  vast  portion  of  business  consists  in  trade.  Wool,  cotton, 
wheat,  must  be  brought  from  distant  States  and  manufac- 
tured articles  returned.  But  trade  would  be  impossible 
unless  men  could  trust  each  other.  Trade  is  carried  on  in 
the  faith  that  men  will  do  as  they  promise,  that*  they  will 
pay  for  what  they  buy,  that  they  will  furnish  articles  as 
good  as  they  agree.  Even  a  few  men  who  break  their 
word  injure  business,  cause  distrust,  and  require  higher 
prices  in  order  to  induce  merchants  to  take  the  risk  of 
being  cheated.  The  honest  have  thus  to  suffer  for  the 
faithless.  On  the  contrary,  if  all  men  would  keep  their 
word,  more  business  could  be  done,  at  cheaper  rates,  and 
every  one  could  have  more  wealth. 

A  state  of  peace.  —  When  our  forefathers  were  at  "sv^ar 


180  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

with  the  French  and  Indians,  they  were  liable  to  see 
their  corn-fields  and  towns  burned,  and  their  ships  caj)- 
tared.  They  could  not  make  wealth  in  time  of  war.  But 
as  soon  as  peace  returned,  the  French  and  the  Indians 
helped  them  to  get  more  wealth.  The  Indians  brought 
them  furs,  and  took  cloth  and  iron  in  return.  Their  ships 
sailed  to  France,  and  both  the  French  and  the  Americans 
profited  by  trading  together.  The  Americans  sold  their 
furs  and  salt  fish,  of  which  they  had  more  than  they 
needed,  and  bought  from  France  silk  and  other  articles, 
such  as  they  could  not  make  so  well  as  the  Frenchmen. 
Trade  made  more  wealth  in  both  countries,  but  trade 
depended  on  the  nations  being  at  peace. 

Courage.  —  It  sometimes  happens  that  vast  amounts  of 
wealth  are  suddenly  swept  away,  as  by  a  fire  or  a  flood. 
Such  occasions  demand  courage,  not  only  at  the  time,  but 
afterwards,  to  go  to  work  again,  to  repair  the  damage  or 
to  rebuild  from  the  ruins,  like  the  men  of  Chicago  after  the 
great  fire  of  1871.  In  various  industries  also,  in  the  man- 
agement of  steam  and  electricity,  on  railroads  and  on 
ships,  there  is  daily  demand  for  the  same  kind  of  daring 
to  take  necessary  risks  and  even  to  brave  death,  as  used  to 
be  called  for  in  a  military  age  for  the  hazards  of  battle. 

In  general,  when  men  are  friendly  with  each  other, 
when  their  ships  can  sail  freely  into  all  seas  and  foreign 
nations  welcome  each  other  to  their  ports ;  when  many 
travellers  from  one  country  can  go  to  another  and  see 
what  others  can  do  better  than  they,  such  friendly  travel 
and  interchange  help  to  make  more  wealth.  Men  who  see 
superior  work  abroad,  feel  the  spur  of  new  needs  and  go  to 
work  to  meet  them.  Men  desire  foreign  fruits  and  prod- 
ucts, —  tea  and  coffee,  rice  and  bananas,  —  and  bring  them 
to  our  markets.     New  ships  and  steamers  must  be  built  to 


THE   CONDITIONS   OF   WEALTH.  181 

cany  the  trade  of  the  world;  new  warehouses  must  be 
erected  to  accommodate  the  growing  trade ;  more  fields 
must  be  tilled  and  more  mills  built  to  make  things  with 
which  to  pay  the  people  over  the  sea  for  what  they  send 
us.  Wealth  not  only  rests  upon  good  faith  and  friendli- 
ness, but  the  getting  of  wealth  brings  distant  peoples 
together,  and  teaches  them  to  trust  each  other  rather  than 
to  fight. 


182  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXVIII. 

TO   WHOM   WEALTH   BELONGS,   AND   HOW   IT   IS   DIVIDED. 

It  has  been  seen  that  labor  alone  does  not  make  wealth, 
as  some  think.  "Wealth  is  partly  natural,  as  the  land,  the 
fisheries,  and  the  ores  in  the  mines.  Intelligence,  skill, 
and  taste  are  necessaiy  in  creating  a  large  part  of  all 
wealth.  Good  morals  make  wealth  by  setting  higher  stand- 
ards of  living,  and  making  men  honest,  industrious,  and 
faithful.  If  religion  enhances  the  worth  of  human  life, 
or  furnishes  stronger  motives  for  noble  conduct,  it  also 
shares  so  far  in  creating  wealth.  Thus  property  is  worth 
more  in  the  United  States,  with  its  schools,  benevolent 
institutions,  and  churches,  than  in  Morocco  or  Siberia. 

The  useful.  —  If  a  colony  of  persons  were  to  settle  for 
the  first  time  in  a  new  country  like  New  Zealand,  and  take 
up  land  and  build  towns,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  their  wealth 
would  rightfully  belong  to  all  who  had  been  in  any  way 
useful  to  the  colony.  None  of  it  would  strictly  belong  to 
the  idle,  to  the  wasteful,  to  the  injurious,  if  such  were 
among  the  colonists.  There  are  various  divisions  of  the 
useful  in  every  community,  who  ought,  therefore,  to  share 
in  the  wealth,  according  to  the  part  which  they  play  in 
making  it. 

Discovery  or  invention.  —  In  our  new  colony  there 
would  be  certain  persons  to  go  out  as  pioneers  and  scouts 
to  discover  the  natural  wealth  of  the  country,  the  fertile 
lands,  the  fruits,  the  minerals,  the  springs  and  waterfalls. 


TO   WHOM    WEALTH   BELONGS.  183 

If  they  did  nothing  but  discover,  and  tell  others  where  to 
go,  they  would  deserve  their  fair  share  in  the  wealth  which 
would  come  in  their  track. 

The  inventors  are  like  the  discoverers.  Whoever  shows 
a  new  use  to  which  iron  or  copper  can  be  put  is  as  useful 
as  if  he  discovered  a  new  mine.  Whoever  invents  a  pro- 
cess or  a  machine  to  save  labor,  that  is,  to  set  workmen  free 
to  do  something  else,  may  be  as  useful  as  a  thousand  men. 

Production.  —  The  largest  part  of  the  working-force  of 
the  community  must  be  employed  in  producing  food  and 
all  kinds  of  supplies.  There  must  be  farmers,  black- 
smiths, carpenters,  operatives  in  shops  and  mills,  to  make 
boots  and  shoes,  clothing,  tools,  etc.  Whoever  produces 
something  useful  for  the  community  ought  to  have  a  share 
in  the  wealth.  Artists  and  painters  belong  under  this 
head,  if  they  make  things  which  add  to  the  happiness  of 
the  community,  A  great  deal  of  domestic  work,  done  by 
women,  comes  under  the  same  head.  The  woman  who 
cooks  the  man's  food,  or  repairs  his  clothing,  is  useful  in 
the  same  way  as  the  farmer  who  reaps  the  wheat. 

The  work  of  distribution.  —  It  used  often  to  happen  in 
old  times  that  there  would  be  plenty  in  one  place,  while 
men  were  starving  a  hundred  miles  away.  The  farmer 
did  not  know  how  to  get  his  produce  to  market.  In  a 
civilized  country,  on  the  contrary,  thousands  of  persons 
do  nothing  else  but  help  distribute  supplies  where  they 
are  needed.  The  grocers  do  this  on  a  small  scale  in  every 
village.  The  great  merchants  do  it  by  wholesale  in  the 
cities.  Their  agents  travel  up  and  down  through  the 
country,  buying  and  selling. 

Transportation.  —  The  distribution  of  supplies  requires 
a  host  of  teamsters  and  draymen.  The  railroads  and  steam- 
ships are  built  largely  to  carry  freight,  and  so  to  assist  in 


184  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

distributing  the  product  of  the  nation.  The  farmer  need 
not  now  stop  working  in  order  to  go  to  market  with  his 
wheat.  Multitudes  of  passengers  must .  also  be  carried, 
mostly  to  their  work  and  business,  and  also  for  their  pleas- 
ure. An  army  of  men  must  be  detailed  for  conductors 
and  brakemen,  who  also  deserve  to  share  in  the  wealth  of 
the  country.  Horses  and  stables  must  be  kept  for  the 
same  purpose. 

Protection.  —  The  duty  of  protecting  against  violence 
and  fire  cannot  be  altogether  committed  to  the  govern- 
ment. There  must  be  private  watchmen  besides  in  stores 
and  mills.  There  must  be  patrols  on  the  railroads  to  pre- 
vent accident.  Whoever  prevents  injury  ought  to  share 
with  those  who  produce  the  wealth.  The  physician  or 
nurse,  too,  who  defends  against  disease,  claims  a  rightful 
share. 

Administration  and  accounts.  —  The  vast  business  of 
the  community  needs  a  certain  class  of  skilled  men  to 
manage  and  direct.  The  wise  management  of  a  good 
engineer,  architect,  or  superintendent  may  save  the  labor 
of  hundreds  of  men,  while  poor  and  shiftless  management 
may  cause  enormous  loss  or  waste.  The  administration  of 
business  needs  also  a  large  force  of  accountants  and  book- 
keepers in  olhces,  factories,  banks,  warehouses.  There 
must  be  many  trained  heads  wliich  can  superintend  ac- 
counts, and  make  a  multitude  of  figures  tell  the  truth,  or 
else,  through  error  or  fraud,  injustice  will  somewhere  be 
done,  or  supplies  will  not  be  distributed  where  they  are 
needed. 

Economy ;  savings.  —  Economy  is  the  care  of  values. 
There  are  numberless  holes  or  leaks  through  which  wealth 
is  wasted  by  ignorance  or  carelessness.  Whoever  saves 
wealth,  therefore,  whoever  stops  the  leak,  whoever  keeps 


TO   WHOM   WEALTH    BELONGS.  185 

■what  another  would  lose,  deserves  something  of  the  com- 
munity. A  housekeeper,  for  instance,  may  save  enough 
food,  which  another  would  throw  away,  to  feed  one  or  two 
mouths.  This  is  the  same  as  producing  the  food.  The 
larger  one's  responsibility  is,  the  greater  the  chance  of  wise 
economy. 

Instruction.  —  Since  intelligence  is  a  condition  of 
wealth,  there  must  be  a  certain  number  of  persons  detailed 
to  the  service  of  education.  Whoever  teaches,  or  waits  on 
the  teacher,  or  learns  the  facts  of  nature  or  history,  or 
makes  books,  must  have  a  share  in  the  wealth.  There 
must  also  be  libraries  and  museums  with  their  attendants. 
So,  too,  whoever  teaches  good  morals,  or  the  laws  of  faith- 
ful conduct,  so  that  men  learn  to  be  more  just  and  friendly, 
becomes  a  worker  and  a  sharer  along  with  the  direct  pro- 
ducers of  wealth. 

Comfort.  —  Men  work  more  efficiently  when  they  are 
made  comfortable.  Thus  a  man  who  has  a  comfortable 
house  or  lodgings  will  do  more  work  than  if  he  is  badly 
housed.  There  are,  therefore,  in  a  civilized  country  nu- 
merous appliances  requiring  much  labor,  purely  for  com- 
fort. A  very  large  part  of  woman's  work  is  to  promote 
and  increase  comfort.  In  general,  whoever  can  help 
make  men  more  comfortable  at  their  work,  or  in  their 
homes,  whoever  can  lessen  drudgery  and  render  labor 
more  pleasant  deserves  a  share  in  the  wealth. 

Recreation.  —  Every  one  needs,  not  merely  rest,  but 
sometimes  amusement  or  play.  Men  who  work  hard,  like 
children  who  study,  need  vacation ;  they  will  do  more  if 
they  have  it.  This  requires  another  body  of  workers. 
Others  must  carry  on  the  work  while  the  first  set  have 
their  change.  Moreover,  there  must  be  those  who  can 
entertain  and  amuse.     More  cars  and  steamboats  must  be 


186  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

run ;  there  must  be  musicians  and  singers ;  there  must  be 
hotels  and  restaurants.  The  producers  must  cheerfully 
share  with  those  who  enable  them  to  enjoy  recreation. 

Personal  and  domestic  service.  —  There  are  a  large 
number  of  persons  who  need  help  and  service.  Sometimes 
they  are  sick  or  aged  persons  who  cannot  help  themselves. 
Others  may  be  overworked,  and  therefore  require  assist- 
ance. In  many  households  such  assistance  is  needed  in  the 
care  of  young  children.  There  are  also  those  whose  time 
is  very  valuable.  A  great  engineer  like  De  Lesseps,  a  great 
scholar  like  Agassiz,  a  wonderful  painter  or  singer,  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  ought  not  to  use  up  his 
time  or  strength  in  manual  work  which  some  one  else  could 
do  for  him.  We  are,  therefore,  willing  to  allow  certain 
persons  extra  service,  provided  they  need  it,  by  reason 
either  of  their  infirmities  or  the  superior  value  of  their 
work. 

We  grudge  this  kind  of  help,  however,  where  it  is  not 
needed  or  deserved.  We  grudge  it  to  a  young  person  who 
had  better  wait  on  himself  than  be  waited  on  by  another. 
We  grudge  it  to  the  indolent,  who  are  harmed  by  it.  In 
the  .new  colony  which  we  have  imagined,  in  which  we 
should  need  every  skilful  hand,  we  cannot  see  why  a  lazy 
person  should  be  entitled  to  the  assistance  of  another  to 
wait  on  him,  or  why  either  of  them  should  rightly  share  in 
our  wealth. 

Luxuries.  —  There  are  certain  articles  of  which  there 
are  not  enough  to  go  around,  or  at  least  not  for  common 
use.  They  are  like  the  sweetmeats  or  jellies  which  are 
brought  on  at  a  feast.  Because  they  are  comparatively 
scarce  they  are  more  costly  than  the  necessaries  or  com- 
forts, of  which  there  may  be  enough  for  all.  Many  of  the 
luxuries  depend  upon  the  cultivation  of  taste,  and  are  not 


TO   WHOM   WEALTH  BELONGS.  187 

luxuries  at  all  to  those  whose  taste  is  not  cultivated.  A 
gem  or  a  work  of  art,  for  example,  might  not  be  a  luxury 
to  a  savage.  There  are  certain  luxuries  which  seem  suit- 
able for  a  feast,  when  we  entertain  friends,  which  would 
not  be  wholesome  for  ordinary  use.  There  are  other 
luxuries  which  we  should  set  apart  for  the  sick  or  the 
aged,  the  use  of  which  would  be  enervating  for  the  young 
or  the  healthy. 

We  have  already  spoken  of  personal  service,  in  order  to 
save  valuable  time  or  life.  There  are  other  such  luxuries, 
like  travel  abroad,  or  more  ample  houses,  or  horses  and  car- 
riages, or  more  costly  dress,  which  we  should  cheerfully 
allow  to  men  and  women  whose  lives  are  specially  useful, 
or  whose  service  might  be  prolonged  by  extra  care.  In 
other  words,  there  may  be  lives  which  the  community 
would  do  well  to  serve  specially,  as  we  give  a  nicer  care  to 
rare,  valuable,  or  delicate  tools.  The  work  of  furnishing 
luxuries  ought  never,  however,  to  be  suffered  to  lessen  the 
supply  of  the  necessaries  of  life,  upon  which  all  depend. 
Thus,  the  empire  of  Rome  was  on  the  way  to  ruin,  when 
the  rich  rioted  in  luxury,  wliile  the  poor  starved. 

The  family.  —  A  considerable  part  of  woman's  work 
must  always  be  directly  for  the  family,  and  particularly  in 
the  nurture  of  children.  The  health,  the  morals,  and  the 
working  power  of  a  people  are  high  or  low  in  proportion 
to  the  character,  the  care,  and  the  wisdom  of  its  mothere. 
Whatever  improves  this  care  sooner  or  later  enriches  the 
country.  Whoever  gives  such  care  to  make  the  children 
stronger  or  better  deserves  a  share  of  the  wealth. 

The  division  of  labor.  —  In  a  poor  or  uncivilized  coun- 
try the  same  person  carries  on  various  kinds  of  work.  The 
farmer  is  his  own  carpenter  and  blacksmith ;  spinning  and 
weaving  go  on  in  the  same  house.     But  this  causes  great 


188  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

waste.  As  men  learn  better  to  help  each  other,  they  divide 
their  work  into  trades  and  professions,  so  that  each  shall 
do  what  he  can  do  best ;  as  when  boys  wish  to  play  a  good 
game  of  ball,  they  choose  the  one  who  can  catch  best  to 
be  catcher.  By  this  plan  each  worker,  who  is  useful  at  all, 
is  entitled  to  his  share  of  the  wealth  produced  by  the  whole 
people,  while  the  total  product  becomes  greater. 

The  division  of  wealth.  —  We  have  seen  that  the  wealth 
ought  strictly  to  belong  to  all  who  are  in  any  way  useful 
to  the  community.  It  is  not  quite  easy  to  see  how  to  appor- 
tion it  exactly.  Some  are  very  much  more  useful  than 
others.  Some  are  useful  for  a  time  and  less  useful  after- 
wards. Some  have  far  greater  needs  than  others.  An 
artist,  a  student,  an  architect,  has  needs  different  from  a 
farmer.  We  cannot  tell  precisely  how  useful  one  is  as 
compared  with  another.  A  distiller  of  strong  drink  may 
not  really  be  useful  at  all.  A  skilful  teacher  may  bo  more 
useful  than  any  one  knows.  Fortune  may  increase  or  lessen 
the  usefulness  of  the  farmer  or  the  fisherman.  No  tribunal 
of  men  is  wise  enough,  therefore,  to  divide  the  income  or 
the  wealth  of  a  people.  It  would  not  seem  fair  to  divide 
equally,  for  all  do  not  work  equally  hard,  or  need  the  same 
amount.  Even  at  the  same  table  one  eats  more  than  an- 
other. It  would  not  be  just  to  let  each  take  what  he  wishes ; 
for  many,  like  young  children,  are  greedy  and  wasteful. 
If  it  were  fair  for  the  people  of  one  city  or  countrj^  to 
divide  their  wealth  equally,  it  would  be  diflScult  to  treat 
the  people  equally  who  might  flock  there  from  poorer  and 
more  barbarous  places,  in  order  to  share  in  the  wealth  of 
the  richer  place. 

The  law  of  supply  and  demand. — The  way  in  which 
wealth  is  really  apportioned  is  according  to  the  supply  and 
the  demand.     If,  for  example,  anything  like  coal  is  scarce, 


TO   WHOM   WEALTH   BELONGS.'  189 

and  the  demand  for  coal  is  great,  the  natural  rule  is  that 
fewer  can  have  it,  or  in  other  words,  that  a  man  must  work 
more  hours  in  order  to  earn  his  share  of  the  coal.  If  flour 
is  abundant,  so  that  there  is  plenty  to  go  around,  less  labor 
will  provide  enough  for  the  family,  and  there  will  be  so 
much  more  time  to  provide  other  things.  If  little  labor 
of  a  certain  kind  —  of  carpenters,  for  instance  —  is  needed, 
their  pay  will  be  less ;  that  is,  they  can  have  less  flour  or 
coal,  or  whatever  else  they  need.  If,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  are  few  carpenters,  and  there  is  much  work  for  them 
to  do,  so  that  they  become  very  useful,  they  will 'have  so 
much  more  for  their  work. 

This  is  the  law  of  supply  and  demand.  The  law  of 
supply  and  demand  works  on  the  playground  as  well  as  in 
the  market.  If  there  are  not  boys  enough  to  play,  even 
poor  players  are  welcome ;  but  if  there  are  plenty  of  boys, 
the  poorer  players  have  to  stand  aside,  or  do  something  else 
less  agreeable. 

The  law  of  supply  and  demand  declares  that  some  arti- 
cles are  more  useful  or  valuable  than  others,  as  also  certain 
men  and  women  are  more  useful  than  others.  It  brings 
the  less  valuable  things  more  nearly  within  reach  of  every 
one,  but  makes  the  scarcer  things,  like  luxuries,  expensive. 
It  gives  to  the  many  persons  whose  work  is  less  in  demand, 
or  less  useful,  or  whose  places  could  be  readily  filled,  less  of 
the  wealth,  but  more  to  those  whose  places  are  hard  to  fill. 

The  law  of  supply  and  demand  is  a  law  of  things.,  not 
of  men.  Like  the  fire  or  the  steam,  it  makes  no  allow- 
ance for  men's  feelings  and  needs.  As  gravitation  does 
not  protect  a  falling  body  from  hurt,  so  the  law  of  supply 
and  demand  would  not  save  men  from  starving.  It  works 
out  only  a  rude  kind  of  justice.  It  requires  to  be  con- 
trolled and  supplemented  by  friendliness. 


190  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

As  on  the  ball  ground  the  better  and  stronger  players 
will  try  to  make  room  for  the  poorer  and  younger,  and  to 
teach  them  to  play  better,  so  the  abler  and  stronger  men 
ought  to  find  out  how  to  make  room  for  the  less  capable 
and  intelligent.  We  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  further 
of  supply  and  demand  in  another  chapter. 


THE  INSTITUTION   OF   PROPERTY.  191 


CHAPTER   XXIX. 

THE  INSTITUTION   OF  PROPERTY. 

We  can  imagine  a  people  holding  their  wealth  in  com- 
mon, as  a  club  of  schoolboys  own  their  bats  and  balls 
together.  Among  a  savage  people  like  the  North  Ameri- 
can Indians,  a  considerable  part  of  the  wealth  is  common 
to  all.  The  tribe  hold  the  corn-fields.  When  game  is 
taken,  all  the  village  share ;  a  number  of  families  will 
often  live  in  the  same  house.  As  long  as  any  one  has 
food,  his  neighbors,  or  even  strangers,  will  come  and  eat. 

Difficulties  in  holding  wealth  in  common.  —  There  is 
never  much  wealth  in  a  savage  tribe.  There  is  little 
encouragement  to  the  more  enterprising  members  of  the 
tribe  to  work  hard  and  to  lay  up  stores'of  provisions,  where 
the  lazy  and  improvident  may  come  in  to  devour  and  waste. 
Few  would  be  likely  to  build  new  and  better  houses,  or  to 
take  the  trouble  to  have  a  garden,  or  to  plant  trees,  unless 
they  could  hope  to  enjoy  the  reward  of  their  work.  Men 
who  hold  things  in  common  are  like  children  playing  to- 
gether with  blocks.  It  is  hard  for  one  to  make  anything 
with  the  blocks  unless  the  others  agree,  or  unless  the 
blocks  are  divided. 

The  beginnings  of  property. — Property  is  that  which 
is  one's  own,  which  no  other  person  has  a  right  to  take 
away.  Property  begins  even  among  savages,  as  it  begins 
among  children.  Thus  one's  clothes  are  one's  own.  It 
would  obviously  be  inconvenient  for  more  than  one  person 


192  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

to  claim  the  same  clothes.  So  of  one's  implements  and 
weapons,  the  axe  or  the  bow  and  arrows,  especially  such 
as  one  makes  himself.  So  of  the  ornaments  and  decora- 
tions, the  shells  or  gems,  or  bits  of  metal  that  any  one 
finds.  "These  are  mine,"  says  the  child,  with  a  sense  of 
injustice,  if  any  one  else  claims  them.  So  of  the  Arab's 
horses  which  he  has  reared  and  tended,  or  of  the  flocks 
which  he  pastures. 

Differences  of  men  in  tastes  and  capacity.  —  Property 
also  begins  with  men,  as  among  children,  from  their  differ- 
ences of  taste  and  capacity.  One  is  fonder  than  another 
of  shells  or  bright  coloi-s,  and  therefore  takes  more  trouble 
to  collect  them.  One  cares  more  than  another  for  horses 
or  cattle,  and  has  therefore  better  success  in  raising  them. 
One  is  fond  of  ornaments,  and  carves  a  beautiful  handle  to 
his  axe  or  knife,  while  another  does  not  think  the  carving 
worth  his  trouble.  The  ornamented  axe  is  the  rightful 
property  of  the  man  who  had  the  taste  and  skill  to  make 
it.  So  one  man  loves  books  and  pictures,  and  is  willing 
to  work  in  order  to  obtain  them.  They  ought  to  be  his, 
then,  rather  than  the  property  of  another  who  does  not 
care  for  them. 

Property  by  earning.  —  Suppose  now  that  one  man 
works  for  another.  The  man  who  has  a  herd  of  cattle 
hires  another  to  help  him  take  care  of  them,  and  pays  him 
in  cattle  or  in  skins,  or  money.  Here  is  property  in  what 
a  man  earns  by  his  labor  or  skill.  This  rightly  belongs  to 
the  man  who  has  worked  for  it,  and  not  to  others  who  have 
not  worked,  or  who  perhaps  did  not  care  to  work.  Indeed, 
it  would  promote  laziness  in  the  men  who  did  not  work, 
if  the  cattle  or  the  money  which  another  had  worked  for 
were  to  be  shared  in  common  with  them. 

Property  by  exchange. — It  might  be  that  the  man 


THE   ESrSTITUTION   OF   PROPERTY.  198 

with  the  herd  of  cattle  could  raise  wheat.  Suppose  he 
exchanges  some  of  his  young  cattle^  or  some  of  the  bright 
gems  that  he  has  found  among  the  hills,  for  a  supply  of 
wheat.  This,  too,  is  his  property.  It  could  "not  rightly 
belong  to  others  who  had  sat  still  and  not  helped  to  raise 
the  wheat.  Moreover,  it  would  hurt  their  character  to 
claim  a  share  in  what  they  had  not  helped  to  produce. 

Property  by  gift  or  inheritance.  —  It  would  be  fair  for 
the  man  who  had  the  wheat  or  the  horses  to  make  a  gift 
to  his  friend  or  his  son.  The  gift  would  then  be  the  prop- 
erty of  the  friend,  and  not  of  any  one  else.  A  great  deal 
of  the  wealth  in  existence  is  handed  down  from  parents  to 
children,  and  belongs  to  the  children  by  inheritance. 

Property  by  natural  genius.  —  Suppose  a  man  has  the 
genius  to  invent  a  useful  machine,  or  to  write  a  valuable 
book,  or  one  has  a  beautiful  voice,  or  can  play  the  violin. 
That  which  any  one  can  make  or  do  that  others  cannot  do 
is  his  property ;  that  is,  it  rightly  belongs  to  him,  in  the 
same  way  as  his  eyes  or  his  hands  are  his  own.  It  would 
not  be  right  for  the  family  or  the  nation  to  claim  this  man's 
genius  as  theirs,  or  to  compel  him  to  write  books,  or  to 
sing  for  them  whenever  they  pleased.  So  the  rewards  or 
the  pay  which  he  received  in  return  for  his  genius  would 
be  fairly  his.  Other  men  would  have  no  claim  to  compel 
him  to  divide  or  to  share  with  them.  Neither  would  it  be 
honorable  in  them  to  think  that  they  had  such  a  claim. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  would  be  shameful  in  him  to  with- 
hold the  gifts  of  his  genius,  or  to  extort  unreasonable  pay 
for  it. 

Property  by  accident  or  good  fortune.  —  If  a  fisherman 
has  a  lucky  catch,  we  say  that  it  his.  The  unlucky  fisher- 
men, or  those  who  do  not  go  fishing  at  all,  have  no  claim 
to  force  him  to  share  his  good  fortune.     They  will  take 


194  THE   AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

their  turn  at  fortune  another  time.  Men  enjoy  their  fish- 
ing better  so :  they  are  also  more  watchful  and  daring  than 
they  would  be  if  their  prizes  were  taken  away  from  them. 

So  if  a  man  finds  a  nugget  of  gold  or  a  mine  on  his  land. 
We  say  it  is  his.  If  we  could  rightly  compel  him  to  share 
it,  we  should  not  know  how  to  divide  it,  for  it  would  no 
more  belong  to  all  the  persons  in  the  town  than  to  all  in 
the  state  or  the  nation,  or  even  to  all  in  the  world. 

So  also  if  a  man  has  property,  such  as  wheat  or  a  house, 
which  rises  suddenly  in  value.  We  call  this  increase  his 
property,  although  he  may  have  done  nothing  to  earn  it. 
For  as  before,  if  we  demanded  that  he  should  share  it,  we 
should  not  know  how  fairly  to  divide  it.  If  we  claimed 
that  it  ought  to  belong  to  our  city,  the  nation  might  claim 
it  equally,  or  even  other  nations.  Moreover,  as  the  man 
has  to  bear  his  losses  when  his  wheat  or  his  house  falls  in 
value,  it  seems  right  that  he  should  enjoy  the  exceptional 
advantage  when  the  value  rises. 

Property  by  possession.  —  Suppose  one  found  some  of 
Captain  Kidd's  treasure,  it  would  be  impossible  to  restore 
it  to  its  rightful  owners.  It  would,  therefore,  be  the  prop- 
erty of  its  discoverer.  So  also  in  case  one  had  inherited 
property  from  an  ancestor,  who  had  long  ago  made  his 
money  by  fraud,  or  by  the  African  slave  trade.  It  would 
still  be  the  man's  property,  since  no  others  could  rightly 
claim  it. 

Property  in  land.  —  We  have  mostly  considered  so 
far  such  kinds  of  property  as  may  be  moved,  or  carried 
upon  the  person.  Movable  property,  such  as  clothes, 
furniture,  ornaments,  cattle,  produce,  money,  etc.,  is  called 
personal  property.  This  also  includes  paper  and  certificates 
of  property,  such  as  bonds  and  bank  shares.  There  is 
another  kind  of  property  in  land.    The  land  and  the  build- 


THE  INSTITUTION  OF  PBOPERTY.  195 

ings  upon  it  constitute  "  real  estate."  What  gives  any  one 
a  private  right  to  own  the  land  ? 

When  Robinson  Crusoe  came  to  his  lonely  island,  al- 
though savages  sometimes  roamed  over  it,  they  were  not 
using  it,  and  did  not  therefore  rightly  own  it.  Crusoe, 
accordingly,  took  what  he  needed  of  it,  partly  for  pasture 
and  partly  for  tillage  and  garden.  Suppose  now  that 
another  ship  had  been  wrecked  on  the  island,  and  its  crew 
had  come  ashore.  It  would  neither  be  fair  for  him  to 
claim  to  own  the  whole  island,  and  to  make  them  pay  him 
for  the  wild  land ;  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  for  them  to  take 
from  him  any  of  the  land  that  he  was  really  using. 

Suppose,  finally,  after  the  best  land  had  all  been  taken 
up,  another  company  of  men  should  come  ashore.  It  would 
certainly  seem  hard  that  they  should  not  have  as  good 
lands  as  the  earlier  comers ;  but  it  would  not  be  right  for 
them  to  demand  the  fields  that  had  already  been  occupied, 
cleared,  and  improved.  As,  when  strangers  come  to  the 
table  at  the  hotel,  it  is  well,  if  those  who  are  already  seated 
are  willing,  to  move  closer  and  accommodate  the  later 
ones,  but  otherwise  they  must  wait  for  the  second  and  per- 
haps poorer  table. 

As  long  as  there  is  plenty  of  land,  as  in  most  of  the 
United  States,  there  is  no  difficulty  about  the  private 
ownership  of  it.  So,  also,  if  every  one  used  all  his  land,  and 
if  every  one  had  got  it  fairly  in  the  first  place,  there  would 
be  less  question  about  the  rightful  ownership  of  it.  But 
often  the  land  was  acquired  in  war  or  by  violence  ;  or  by 
injustice,  as  when  the  Highland  lords  in  Scotland  dispos- 
sessed the  clansmen  of  land  which  rightfully  belonged  to 
all  the  tribe  ;  or  by  a  fiction,  as  when  the  king  of  England 
granted  or  sold  vast  lands  in  America  which  did  no*' 
belong  to  him. 


196  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  laws  also  and  custom  have  allowed  men  to  take  up 
much  more  land  than  they  could  use,  and  to  keep  it  unem- 
ployed even  when  others  needed  it. 

When  wrongs  have  been  done,  it  is  hard  to  right  them 
at  once  without  doing  more  wrong.  For  the  present  own- 
ers of  the  lands  that  were  once  wrongly  acquired  may  have 
honestly  paid  for  them,  and  may  really  use  them.  Even 
if  it  were  fair  to  take  away  that  which  one  had  purchased 
in  good  faith,  it  would  be  impossible  to  say  to  whom  it 
should  now  be  given. 

In  general,  property  in  land  is  right  and  fair,  in  case  the 
community  have  found  on  the  whole  that  the  custom  of 
permitting  such  property  is  a  public  advantage.  If,  for 
example,  there  proves  to  be  more  enterprise  and  better  care 
of  the  land  when  each  man  is  free  to  acquire  and  use  it 
as  he  pleases,  than  when  a  whole  village,  as  in  barbarous 
times,  owned  it  together,  it  is  a  sufficient  reason  for  the 
custom  that  it  works  to  the  advantage  of  the  community. 
If,  however,  it  could  be  clearly  shoAvn  that  some  other 
custom  of  using  the  land  would  be  better  for  all,  and  would 
at  the  same  time  be  freer  of  objections  and  injustice,  every 
one  ought  to  be  willing  to  adopt  it. 

The  right  of  eminent  domain  limits  the  right  of  indi- 
viduals in  land.  —  Property  in  land  is  always  held  subject 
to  the  needs  of  the  State  or  community.  Thus  if  the  gov- 
ernment required  a  piece  of  land  for  public  buildings,  or 
if  a  new  street  or  a  railroad  needed  to  be  laid  out  through 
a  man's  farm,  the  individual  has  no  right  to  insist  upon 
keeping  his  land  in  the  face  of  a  public  necessity.  But  he 
is  entitled  to  fair  compensation,  as  for  any  other  property. 

Common  properi;y.  —  There  is  much  wealth  which  is 
owned  by  persons  in  common.  Thus  several  farmers  may 
own  a  threshing-machine  or  a  creamery.     A  great  number 


THE  INSTITUTION   OF   PROPERTY.  197 

of  persons  unite  in  establishing  a  savings  bank.  We  have 
already  seen  that  all  the  people  of  a  town  or  city  own  the 
public  buildings  and  schools,  the  parks  and  the  streets. 
Every  newcomer  who  is  enrolled  as  a  citizen,  and  every 
child  born  in  the  city,  becomes  a  sharer  in  this  property  on 
equal  tenns  with  the  rest.  So  with  the  property  of  the 
State,  which  every  citizen  is  a  sharer  in.  So  with  the  vast 
property  of  the  nation,  including  great  tracts  of  lands  in 
the  Territories.  Our  government  claims  such  lands  as 
belonging  to  the  American  people,  and  not  to  people  in 
Asia  or  Africa,  because  the  land  is  within  our  boundaries ; 
precisely  as  a  farmer  claims  the  land  for  which  he  holds  a 
title. 

All,  too,  become  sharers  in  the  knowledge,  the  inven- 
tions, the  discoveries,  by  which  each  generation  inherits 
the  labor  and  thought  of  all  previous  time.  The  value  of 
this  common  knowledge  is  immeasurable. 

Property  and  the  public  interest. — We  respect  private 
property  for  two  reasons.  One  reason  is  our  regard  for 
the  individual.  We  respect  his  claims  to  his  various  be- 
longings as  we  would  wish  our  own  claims  to  be  consid- 
ered by  him.  A  second  reason  is  the  public  good.  There 
"will  be  more  work,  industry,  energy,  and  thrift,  if  we  allow 
individuals  the  freedom  to  own  and  use  and  give  away 
their  own  property,  than  if  we  forbid  them  to  have  any- 
thing of  their  own.  This  is  the  general  experience  of 
mankind.  It  is  the  same  in  a  nation  as  in  a  family.  The 
whole  family  will  have  more  if  each  member  of  it  can  have 
his  own  things,  than  if  no  one  can  call  anything  his  own. 
So  the  community  will  create  and  possess  more  wealth, 
and  all  will  therefore  be  likely  to  be  better  off,  if  each  is 
reasonably  free  to  acquire  and  own  property,  than  if  all 
the  property  were  held  in  common. 


198  THE  AMEEICAN   CITIZEN. 

If,  however,  it  is  discovered  that  there  is  any  kind  of 
property,  like  turnpikes,  bridges,  or  waterworks,  which  it 
is  better  for  the  interest  of  all  for  individuals  not  to  hold 
privately,  it  is  fair  for  the  individuals,  in  such  case,  to 
consent  to  let  the  public  acquire  such  property  in  common, 
only  in  such  way  as  to  be  just  to  the  former  private  owners. 

Responsibility  for  property.  —  We  have  seen  in  gov- 
ernment that  every  official  does  his  work  best  when  he  is 
directly  responsible  for  his  conduct.  We  respect  property, 
likewise,  because  we  thus  make  every  one  directly  responsi- 
ble for  what  is  his  own.  If  the  boy  has  his  own  clothes  and 
hat,  he  and  no  one  else  will  be  bound  to  take  care  of  them. 
If  he  has  his  own  allowance,  he  will  be  bound  to  keep  ac- 
count of  it,  and  not  to  waste  or  lose  it.  So  if  a  man  has  liis 
own  property,  he  learns  to  use  and  save  it.  If  he  has  his 
own  land,  he  is  responsible  for  the  care  he  takes  of  it ;  he 
will  take  pleasure  in  tending  and  beautifying  it ;  he  will  be 
likely  to  put  permanent  improvement  upon  it,  in  clearing 
and  draining  it ;  he  can  afford  to  build  a  substantial  house, 
where  an  Arab  would  only  set  up  a  tent.  To  respect  a 
man's  property  is  thus  to  make  him  responsible  for  it. 
And  responsibility  develops  his  character  and  makes  more 
of  a  man.  Whereas  if  he  is  too  slovenly  to  take  care  of 
his  own,  he  would  be  unlikely,  like  the  savage,  to  take 
good  care  of  the  common  property. 


HONEST  MONEY.  199 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

HONEST   MONEY. 

Men  do  not  trade  together  long  before  they  invent 
something  to  measure  the  value  of  wealth.  Money  is  that 
by  which  they  make  such  measurement,  as  they  measure 
distance  by  the  length  of  a  pole,  or  by  a  yard-stick.  They 
begin  with  a  very  rude  kind  of  money,  such  as  wampum 
or  beads  or  cattle.  Thus  an  American  Indian  would  sell 
a  valuable  package  of  furs  for  so  many  strings  of  wampum. 
The  precious  metals,  and  especially  silver  and  gold,  have 
been  the  chosen  forms  of  money  among  most  civilized 
nations  for  thousands  of  years.  In  early  times  the  money 
was  weighed.  Afterwards  it  was  coined  ;  that  is,  a  bit  or 
piece  of  a  certain  weight  was  stamped  by  the  sovereign  or 
the  government. 

Changes  in  the  value  of  money.  —  It  would  have  been 
very  convenient  if  there  had  been  some  one  kind  of  metal 
which  was  always  of  uniform  value.  But  there  is  no  such 
metal.  The  supply  of  gold  or  silver,  like  the  supply  of 
other  things,  varies  from  one  time  to  another.  The  open- 
ing of  new  mines  or  fresh  discoveries  of  the  precious 
metals,  tend  to  lower  their  value,  as  a  large  harvest  lowers 
the  price  of  wheat.  On  the  other  hand,  increasing  trade 
causes  a  demand  for  more  money,  and  tends  to  absorb  the 
supply.  Ignorant  people,  as  in  the  East,  often  hoard  or 
hide  their  money,  as  though  it  were  buried  again  in  the 
mine.     There  is  a  changing  demand,  also,  for  the  gold  and 


200  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

silver  for  other  purposes  besides  money,  as  for  articles  of 
ornament  or  luxury.  The  same  amount  or  weight  of  gold 
or  silver  will  not  therefore  buy  as  much  at  one  period  as 
at  another. 

The  double  or  single  standard  of  value.  —  It  has  been 
common  to  use  both  gold  and  silver  money,  though  gold 
is  worth  much  more  than  silver;  unfortunately  the  two 
metals  vary  with  respect  to  each  other  like  all  other  values. 
Thus  gold  is  estimated  to  have  been  worth  eleven  times  as 
much  as  silver  in  the  fifteenth  century,  fifteen  times  as 
much  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  more 
than  eighteen  times  as  much  in  1879.  There  have  been 
further  changes  since.  Thus,  one  common  silver  dollar, 
if  melted  down,  would  not  now  buy  nearly  one  hundred 
cents'  worth  of  labor  or  produce. 

A  moral  question.  —  When  government  stamps  a  coin, 
and  makes  it  "legal  tender,"  that  is,  good  money  to  pay 
debts,  the  stamp  is  a  sort  of  guarantee  or  pledge  that 
the  coin  has  as  much  value  in  it  as  it  says  on  its  face. 
Thus  the  gold  eagle  says,  "  I  am  honestly  worth  a  fixed 
sum  in  the  markets  of  the  world."  But  if  the  government 
should  make  eagles  with  one-fifth  less  gold  in  them  than 
before,  or  one-fifth  less  than  the  English  or  the  Germans 
put  into  their  coins,  and  still  mark  "  ten  dollars  "  on  the 
coin,  it  would  not  tell  the  truth.  So,  too,  if  the  govern- 
ment coins  silver  dollars,  and  puts  less  value  into  this  coin 
than  it  puts  into  its  gold  dollar.  The  silver  dollar  would 
not  tell  the  truth,  unless  it  has  in  it  as  much  value  as  the 
gold  dollar  contains. 

The  money  of  commerce.  —  Governments  coin  money, 
but  the  commerce  of  the  world  fixes  its  value.  For 
commerce,  in  her  great  markets,  like  London,  where  the 
business  of  the  world  meets  and  is  settled,  asks  of  all 


HONEST   MONEY.  201 

commodities,  and  the  coins  of  every  nation  also,  What  is 
their  real  worth  ?  A  government  may  put  a  false  mark 
on  a  coin  or  mix  alloy  with  the  metal,  but  commerce 
weighs  and  tests  the  coin,  and  will  not  give  more  for  it 
than  it  really  is  woi'th. 

For  the  present,  the  standard  of  commerce  seems  to  be 
gold.  This  is  because  the  great  commercial  nations  use 
this  metal  in  settling  their  accounts.  Even  when  they 
use  silver  coinage  along  with  the  gold,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
they  refer  their  values  to  the  gold  basis.  Thus  the  United 
States  practically  counts  values,  not  in  silver  dollars,  worth 
perhaps  eighty  cents,  but  in  gold  dollars  that  correspond 
to  the  gold  sovereign  of  London.  When  money  has  to  be 
sent  back  and  forth  between  nations,  the  gold  is  also  more 
convenient,  being  far  less  bulky. 

Paper  money.  —  Although  a  dollar  means  a  certain 
weight  of  precious  metal,  most  of  the  money  in  use  con- 
sists of  paper  bills.  There  is,  in  fact,  risk  and  inconven- 
ience in  carrying  coin,  and  especially  in  doing  a  large 
business  with  it.  If,  for  example,  all  the  wheat  and  cotton 
of  the  West  and  South  had  to  be  paid  for  in  metallic 
money,  there  would  be  great  cost  and  often  loss,  merely 
in  sending  the  vast  weight  of  coin  thousands  of  miles. 
Civilized  men  have  therefore  invented  paper  money  of 
various  kinds  as  a  substitute  for  coin. 

Bank  bills.  —  A  bank,  for  instance,  which  has  coin  in 
its  vaults  may  issue  bills,  which  are  really  written  promises 
or  orders,  for  so  much  coin.  The  use  of  these  bills  or 
orders  depends  upon  the  trust  or  confidence  which  men 
have  in  the  integrity  and  honor  of  the  bankers.  As  long 
as  men  believe  that  the  bankers  will  keep  their  promises 
and  pay  the  coin  when  requested,  they  do  not  care  for  the 
coin,  but  find  the  bills  more  convenient.    In  order  that  the 


202  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

people  may  be  protected  from  loss,  it  is  the  custom  for 
the  government  to  superintend  the  banks  which  issue  bills. 
They  are  not  allowed  to  issue  too  many  bills ;  that  is,  to 
make  more  promises  than  they  are  able  to  keep. 

Checks  and  drafts.  —  Besides  bank  bills  there  are  mil- 
lions of  money  in  private  paper  orders  which  are  sent  by 
mail,  or  pass  from  hand  to  hand.  Thus,  a  merchant  in 
New  York,  instead  of  sending  a  great  roll  of  bills  to  pay 
for  lumber  or  iron,  deposits  the  money  in  a  bank,  and 
writes  a  check  or  order  upon  the  bank  for  the  amount  of 
his  debt.  If  the  merchant  is  honest,  the  check  is  the  same 
as  money,  and  another  bank  in  Michigan  or  Tennessee 
will  accept  it  from  the  lumber  or  iron  dealer.  Or,  a 
merchant  in  New  York  wishing  to  pay  for  his  goods  in 
Bordeaux,  will  get  a  draft  or  order  for  so  much  money 
from  a  banker  in  his  own  city  upon  a  banker  in  London. 
This  draft  upon  a  well-known  and  honorable  bank  will  be 
as  good  as  money  anywhere  in  the  world  where  ships  go. 
Thus  orders  for  money  become  themselves  a  kind  of  money. 
The  orders  may  even  be  sent  by  telegraph  over  the  conti- 
nent or  under  the  ocean.  Thus  a  bank  in  Chicago,  which 
is  known  in  London  or  Paris,  may  telegraph  an  order  to 
pay  some  American  student  a  sum  of  money  which  the 
American's  father  had  deposited  in  his  bank  at  home. 

Government  and  paper  money.  —  The  government  of 
the  United  States  was  obliged  to  borrow  on  an  enormous 
scale  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Civil  War.  Besides  other 
methods  of  borrowing,  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in 
bills  were  issued.  These  bills  were  the  promises  or  pledges 
of  the  government  to  pay  as  many  dollars  in  coin  as  was 
printed  on  the  face  of  the  bill.  The  bills  were  used  as 
money  to  pay  for  supplies  and  the  wages  of  soldiers.  The 
government,  however,  was  not  able  to  keep  its  promises 


HONEST  MONEY.  203 

and  to  pay  specie,  that  is,  the  real  coined  money  of  com- 
merce, to  merchants  and  others  who  wanted  it.  On  the 
contrary,  the  quantity  of  paper  notes  was  so  great  that 
some  feared  lest,  as  in  the  case  of  the  continental  cur- 
rency, or  the  paper  money  of  the  Revolutionary  War,  the 
bills  would  never  be  paid.  It  therefore  happened,  finally, 
that  almost  three  paper  dollars  were  required  to  get  the 
value  of  one  gold  dollar.  A  yard  of  cloth  worth  one  dol- 
lar cost  almost  three  paper  dollars.  The  value  of  the  paper 
dollar  varied  with  every  victory  or  defeat  of  the  national 
arms.  The  gold  and  silver  were  hoarded  away  or  sent 
abroad  to  pay  the  merchants'  debts.  This  was  because  the 
paper  dollar  no  longer  told  the  truth. 

Specie  payments.  —  After  the  war,  as  soon  as  confi- 
dence was  restored  that  the  government  could  keep  its 
promises,  the  paper  money  rose  in  value.  The  yard  of 
cloth  that  had  sold  for  nearly  tliree  dollars  could  now  be 
had  for,  perhaps,  a  dollar  and  a  quarter.  At  last  govern- 
ment resolved  to  make  the  paper  dollar  tell  the  truth 
again.  It  was  announced  that  any  one  who  wished  might 
have  gold  coin  at  the  Treasury  in  exchange  for  the  paper 
bills.  But  very  few  persons  now  desired  to  draw  the 
bulky  gold,  since  the  paper  dollar  at  once  became  as  good 
as  the  gold  to  buy  the  yard  of  cloth. 

Gold  and  silver  certificates.  —  Besides  the  notes  of  the 
government  or  its  promises  to  pay,  other  bills  or  certifi- 
cates have  been  issued  which  entitle  the  holder  to  so  many 
gold  dollars,  and  again  another  class  which  entitle  the 
holder  to  so  many  silver  dollars,  deposited  in  the  Treasury 
vaults.  These  certificates  are  also  as  good  as  money,  and 
much  more  convenient. 

A  national  danger.  —  It  will  be  seen  that  our  govern- 
ment has  gold  dollars  which  correspond  to  the  money  of 


204  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

commerce,  containing  the  precise  value  marked  on  the  face 
of  them ;  secondly,  silver  dollars,  stamped  by  the  govern- 
ment, but  at  present  containing  less  than  their  true  value ; 
thirdly,  silver  and  nickel  currency,  used  merely  for  con- 
venience, but  not  containing  nearly  the  worth  stamped 
upon  it ;  and,  fourthly,  paper  notes  and  certificates,  worth 
nothing  in  themselves,  but  guaranteed  by  the  wealth  and 
honor  of  the  nation.  These  different  kinds  of  money  all 
circulate  together  as  long  as  the  government  honestly 
keeps  in  its  vaults  sufficient  gold  coin  —  the  money  of 
commerce  —  to  enable  every  one  who  has  silver  or  paper 
dollars  to  come  and  get  an  equal  number  of  gold  dollars, 
if  he  needs  them,  to  pay  for  goods  abroad.  If,  however, 
at  any  time,  the  government  should  refuse  to  give  the 
merchant  the  real  value  in  gold  in  exchange  for  the  silver 
or  the  paper,  the  same  thing  would  happen  as  in  the  Civil 
War:  the  silver  dollar  and  the  paper  would  cease  to  tell 
the  truth ;  the  yard  of  cloth  would  rise  in  price ;  all  values 
would  change. 

It  would  be  precisely  as  though  the  government,  like 
the  despots  of  old  times,  had  clipped  the  coin  or  mixed 
alloy  with  it,  so  as  to  make  a  new  kind  of  dollar  of  less 
worth.  The  true  dollars,  such  as  the  commerce  of  the 
world  buys  and  sells  with,  part  company  with  the  false  or 
debased  dollars,  and  disappear  from  the  hands  of  the  peo- 
ple whose  government  does  not  keep  its  faith  or  make  its 
money  tell  the  truth. 


CAPITAL,   CREDIT,   AND   INTEREST.  205 


CHAPTER   XXXI. 

•    CAPITAL,    CREDIT,  AND   INTEREST. 

We  may  suppose  a  number  of  men  to  go  on  a  fishing- 
voyage.  It  is  not  enough  that  they  possess  skill  and 
strength :  they  also  need  boats,  fishing-tackle,  and  a  stock 
of  various  supplies  to  live  upon  while  they  are  gone. 
The  wealth  which  is  required  to  begin  any  enterprise,  or 
to  carry  work  through,  is  called  capital. 

Thus  if  a  man  proposes  to  be  a  farmer,  he  cannot  suc- 
ceed without  some  capital.  If  his  land  were  given  to  him 
for  nothing,  he  would  still  need  farming-tools,  cattle,  and 
provisions  enough  to  support  him  till  he  got  his  first 
harvest. 

In  the  case  of  a  great  enterprise,  like  a  factory  or  a  rail- 
road, an  enormous  capital  must  often  be  laid  out  to  pur- 
chase materials  and  hire  the  labor  of  a  large  force  of  men 
before  any  return  is  made  to  those  who  expend  their 
capital. 

A  barbarous  people  can  make  little  progress,  because 
there  is  not  wealth  or  capital  enough  among  them  to  draw 
upon  in  order  to  feed  and  clothe  workmen.  As  long  as 
every  one  is  poor,  men  have  to  supply  their  own  daily 
necessities.  There  must  at  least  be  laid  by  an  accumula- 
tion of  food  before  any  great  work  can  be  undertaken. 

The  accumulation  of  capital.  —  Whoever  produces  more 
than  he  consumes  accumulates  capital ;  for  example,  a  far- 
mer may  produce  food  enough  for  a  dozen  families,  or  a 


206  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

shoemaker  can  make  shoes  enough  for  a  neighborhood. 
Wherever  men  labor,  their  industry  accumulates  capital, 
or  produces  and  lays  up  a  supply  of  produce  or  material  to 
be  drawn  upon  for  further  work.  In  the  most  simple 
society,  the  harvest  of  each  year  is  the  capital  to  provide 
against  the  needs  of  another  year. 

The  use  of  machinery,  and  especially  of  steam,  water, 
and  electric  power,  enables  a  few  workmen  to  do  the  work 
of  armies  of  men,  and  so  to  accumulate  capital  on  a  grand 
scale. 

Credit.  —  A  man  does  not  always  need  to  have  accumu- 
lated capital  himself.  If  he  can  work,  and  is  honest,  he 
may  find  some  one  willing  to  make  him  a  certain  advance 
of  money  or  provisions  on  the  expectation  that  he  will  do 
work  or  business  enough  to  repay.  The  amount  of  this 
advance  is  called  his  credit,  and  depends  on  his  ability  and 
character.  Thus  if  he  is  a  skilful  fisherman,  he  may  find 
some  one  who  will  lend  him  a  boat.  If  he  has  at  the  same 
time  a  piece  of  property,  as  a  lot  of  land,  his  credit  will 
be  greater;  and  some  one  will  trust  him  with  a  vessel, 
without  his  needing  to  sell  his  property. 

Thus  a  farmer  owning  his  land  and  buildings  may  not 
only  work  his  farm,  but  through  his  credit  obtain  additional 
capital  to  make  improvements,  and  increase  his  products. 

Or  the  owner  of  a  mill  may  go  to  the  bank  and  get 
money  to  buy  raw  material  or  to  expend  in  wages  to  his 
men  till  his  returns  come  back  from  the  sale  of  his  goods. 

All  this  is  made  possible  by  credit,  or  the  trust  which 
men  repose  in  one  another's  good  faith  in  keeping  their 
promises. 

Corporations.  —  Many  individuals,  each  with  small 
earnings  or  savings,  often  combine  together,  and  trust 
their  capital  to  directors  or  trustees  who  manage  for  all  as 


CAPITAL,   CEEDIT,   AND  INTEKEST.  207 

they  would  for  themselves.  Thus  large  masses  of  capital 
may  be  employed  to  use  machinery,  and  pay  many  work- 
men, and  both  to  produce  and  to  save  to  better  advantage 
than  could  be  done  with  a  small  capital.  Railroads,  gas 
companies,  cotton  mills,  savings  banks,  and  many  other 
corporations  are  formed  by  this  kind  of  union  among  many 
individuals.  These  corporations  for  massing  and  using 
capital  are  made  possible  only  where  there  is  a  consider- 
able number  of  able  and  honorable  men,  who  can  be  trusted 
to  hold  and  manage  the  money  of  others. 

Profits.  —  In  most  kinds  of  industry  —  in  farming,  for 
example  —  labor  produces  something  more  than  its  bare 
equivalent.  There  is  a  natural  increase  besides  the  cost 
of  production.  "We  call  this  surplus  the  profit.  It  is  the 
encouragement  which  nature  gives  when  man  begins  to 
work.  Thus  a  farmer  ought  to  be  better  off  at  the  end  of 
the  year  than  he  was  at  the  beginning.  There  will  be  an 
increase  of  cattle  and  sheep  and  fowls.  The  amount  of  this 
increase  will  depend,  not  only  upon  his  skill  and  intelli- 
gence, but  also  upon  the  capital  which  he  has  at  his  dis- 
posal. If  he  has  money  enough,  he  can  employ  extra 
labor  to  drain  his  boggy  land ;  he  can  fertilize  his  fields .; 
he  can  buy  machinery,  and  harvest  larger  crops.  Foi 
nature,  by  showers  and  sunshine  and  the  richness  in  the 
soil,  will  always  add  something  to  encourage  his  enterprise  ; 
as,  on  the  other  hand,  if  he  is  lazy  and  dull,  nature  will 
prod  him  with  various .  discomforts  to  urge  him  to  labor 
and  to  learn. 

So  in  other  kinds  of  industry.  Besides  barely  enough 
to  support  life,  the  patient  fisherman  will  bear  home  a 
profit  which  he  can  dispose  of  to  enable  him  to  add  to 
his  capital.  If  he  has  already  capital  enough  to  buy 
the  best  sails  and  fishing-tackle,  and  intelligence  to  direct 


208  THE  AMEKICAK  CITIZEN. 

a  number  of  men,  he  can  increase  the  profits  of  his  whole 
crew. 

The  merchant,  likewise,  who  contrives  to  bring  supplies 
of  goods  to  the  points  where  men  need  them  most  —  from 
the  farms  where  the  owners  are  burning  the  corn  for  fuel 
to  the  towns  where,  without  the  corn,  people  would  starve 
—  will  get  more  than  the  bare  cost  of  his  business  and  his 
living. 

In  short,  the  whole  community,  if  intelligent  and  indus- 
trious, mil  do  better  than  merely  to  live ;  it  will  be  en- 
riched by  the  natural  increase  or  profit  which  nature  gives 
for  labor  wisely  expended. 

This  profit  will  be  larger  in  proportion  to  the  skill, 
education,  patience,  industry,  and  integrity  of  the  people. 
It  will  tend  to  come  to  those  who  show  these  qualities, 
but  will  be  reduced  if  many  of  the  people  lack  them.  It 
will  not  generally  fall  into  the  hands  of  those  who  are 
dull,  incapable,  shiftless,  dishonest,  or  unwilling  to  work ; 
it  will  certainly  not  stay  long  with  such  people. 

Rent  and  interest.  —  We  may  suppose  that  a  skilful 
young  fisherman  borrows  a  boat  and  tackle  of  a  widow 
whose  husband  has  been  drowned,  and  goes  fishing.  When 
he  returns,  he  shares  his  catch  of  fish  with  the  men  who 
went  to  help  him,  and  with  the  woman  who  owns  the  boat. 
This  is  her  interest  in  the  fishing,  on  account  of  her  boat. 
This  would  be  the  simplest  form  of  interest.  It  would  be 
the  same  in  fact,  however,  if  the  fisherman,  instead  of  pay- 
ing a  share  of  his  catch  in  fish,  engages  to  pay  her  a  fixed 
sum  for  the  use  of  the  boat. 

It  would  still  be  the  same  in  case  the  fisherman,  instead 
of  hiring  the  boat,  borrows  from  the  widow  the  value  of 
the  boat  in  money.  The  young  fisherman  can  then  buy 
a  boat  for  himself,  and  pay  the  widow  the  same  sum  for 


CAPITAL,   CREDIT,   AND  INTEREST.  209 

the  use  of  her  money,  which  he  might  have  paid  for  the 
boat. 

Likewise,  if  the  widow  had  a  farm  which  her  husband 
had  cleared  and  drained,  or  which  he  had  paid  for  out  of 
his  earnings,  some  one  might  like  to  borrow  the  farm,  and 
pay  her  a  share  of  his  harvest.  He  might  thus  do  better 
for  himself  than  if  he  took  up  wild  lands.  Or  one  might 
borrow  of  the  widow  in  another  way ;  for  she  might  have 
sold  the  farm  outright  for  money.  He  could  then  borrow 
the  money  that  her  farm  brought,  and  buy  a  new  farm  for 
himself,  and  pay  her  so  much  every  year  for  the  use  of 
the  money,  instead  of  paying  for  the  use  of  the  land. 

By  the  use  of  the  widow's  capital,  the  fisherman  or  the 
farmer  increases  his  product ;  without  it  he  could  not  have 
made  so  much.  He  therefore,  in  fairness,  shares  with  the 
owner  of  the  capital.  If  he  borrows  a  thing,  a  piece  of 
property,  or  land,  the  share  that  he  gives  is  usually  called 
the  rent.  But  if  he  borrows  money,  the  return  upon  it  is 
called  interest.  As  we  have  before  seen,  money  is  practi- 
cally an  order  to  pay  things  or  property,  so  that  the  bor- 
rower of  money  really  borrows  the  things,  whether  boats, 
supplies,  provisions,  or  materials,  that  he  purchases  with 
the  money. 

Thus  the  farmer  who  borrows  money  to  improve  his 
bam  or  buy  stock  really  borrows  fertilizers  or  cattle.  The 
money  is  merely  a  convenience  in  making  the  exchanges. 
When  at  the  end  of  the  year  he  realizes  larger  harvests  on 
account  of  these  improvements,  he  owes  a  share  as  interest 
to  the  person  whose  labor  or  whose  saving  had  enabled 
him  to  have  the  use  of  the  money. 

So  with  the  mill  that  has  borrowed  money  to  buy  cotton 
to  make  into  cloth.  Part  of  the  returns  must  go  to  tha 
savings  bank ;  that  is,  to  the  persons  who  had  gone  without 


210  THE  AMEEICAN   CITIZEN. 

the  use  of  the  money  themselves  to  lend  to  the  mill.  They 
deserve  their  share  as  well  as  the  workmen  who  furnished 
the  labor,  or  the  superintendent  who  managed  with  his 
brains  to  make  the  mill  a  success. 

The  rate  of  interest.  —  It  might  be  agreed  that  the  in- 
terest or  rent  should  depend  upon  the  amount  of  the  prod- 
uct, whether  more  or  less,  of  the  fishing-boat  or  the  farm. 
The  lender  should  have  a  certain  share,  and  the  workman 
another  share,  and  the  manager  who  borrowed  the  capital 
still  another.  This  is  done  in  some  cases.  All,  then,  would 
share  in  the  risks  and  in  the  profits. 

But  suppose  the  widow  who  lends  the  boat  or  the  money 
prefers  to  take  a  smaller  fixed  rent  or  interest  rather  than  to 
share  in  the  risks  of  the  business,  and  sometimes,  perhaps, 
fail  to  get  anything.  This  is  usually  the  case.  The  bank, 
for  instance,  lends  its  money  at  so  much  per  cent;  for 
instance,  six  dollars  a  year  for  every  hundred.  The  bor- 
rower gives  security,  as  a  mortgage  upon  his  farm,  and 
takes  all  the  risks  himself.  The  bank  then  gets  a  regular 
return  for  its  money  to  divide  among  the  persons  who  have 
trusted  their  savings  to  its  care.  The  borrower  has  all  the 
profits,  after  paying  his  interest  and  his  men. 

How  interest  is  fixed.  —  The  amount  of  interest  upon 
money,  or  the  rent  of  capital,  varies  like  all  other  prices. 
It  depends  upon  the  amount  of  money  to  be  lent,  whether 
it  is  plenty  or  scarce ;  upon  the  times,  whether  they  are 
peaceful  or  stormy ;  upon  the  demand  for  money,  whether 
few  or  many  want  to  borrow ;  upon  the  security  that  can 
be  given,  whether  there  is  much  or  little  risk  of  being 
repaid ;  upon  the  prosperity  of  the  community  where  the 
money  is  used,  whether  the  profits  of  business  there  are 
large  or  small.  Thus  the  same  money  which  will  oul}'- 
bring  three  per  cent  when  loaned  to  the  government  in 


CAPITAL,   CREDIT,    AND  INTEREST.  211 

London  might  bring  five  or  six  per  cent  if  loaned  to  a  pri- 
vate person;  or,  sent  to  a  new  growing  country  like 
Australia,  might  get  ten  per  cent  or  more.  If  the  lender 
shares  at  all  in  the  risk,  he  also  shares  in  the  larger  profits. 
If  he  wishes  perfect  security,  and  the  borrower  takes  all 
the  chances,  he  must  be  content  with  a  small  regular  share. 

Usury.  — Interest  now  means  the  price  paid  for  the  use 
of  capital ;  but  it  once  had  a  bad  name,  —  usury.  For  in  old 
times,  before  the  science  of  money  was  understood,  many 
supposed  that  it  might  be  wrong  to  exact  interest  upon 
money,  although  no  one  saw  any  harm  in  taking  interest, 
that  is,  rent  for  property  or  land  or  boats.  Money  was 
scarce ;  and  many  lenders  also  were  extortionate,  and  took 
cruel  advantage  of  their  debtors.  Laws  were  therefore 
often  passed,  forbidding  more  than  a  certain  rate  of  inter- 
est. To  take  higher  interest  than  the  law  allowed  war? 
then  called  usury.  But  these  laws  never  did  any  more 
good  than  the  laws  which  governments  used  to  pass  to  fi^. 
the  prices  of  other  things.  In  many  of  our  States  such 
laws  still  remain,  although  they  are  constantly  disregarded . 

The  fact  is,  that  all  prices  of  money,  land,  labor,  or 
products  depend  upon  "the  law  of  supply  and  demand." 
Ten  per  cent  may  therefore  be  as  fair  interest  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  where  the  demand  is  great,  as  five  per  cent  is  in  New 
York.  In  New  York,  too,  money  may  be  better  worth  six 
or  seven  per  cent  in  a  good  year  of  business  than  five  per 
cent  in  a  very  dull  year.  Neither  can  any  legislature 
compel  a  man  to  lend  his  money  or  his  land  unless  a  fair 
return  is  offered  him. 

The  widow,  for  instance,  will  not  risk  her  property  with 
the  fisherman  if  she  can  do  better  with  it  herself.  Neither 
would  it  be  fair  to  require  her  to  lend  it  at  six  per  cent^  if 
he  were  able  to  make  twelve  per  cent  with  it. 


212  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

In  general,  the  rate  of  interest  upon  good  security  tends 
to  diminish.  This  is  because  civilization  produces  such 
large  capital  and  vast  credit  that  all  reasonable  enterprises 
can  get  what  they  need. 

If  interest  is  low,  other  things  are  also  likely  to  be  low ; 
and  no  one  has  to  pay  so  much  for  hiring  his  house  or  for 
the  cost  of  living.  But  if  the  interest  is  high,  every  one 
who  has  a  dollar  in  the  savings  bank  or  a  single  share  in  a 
corporation  shares  in  the  increase.  This  is  because  the 
whole  community  is  linked  together,  so  that  whatever 
affects  the  whole  affects  each  one. 

Should  the  government  lend  money  to  its  citizens?  — 
It  is  sometimes  thought  that  the  government  ought  to  use 
its  credit  and  borrow  money  to  loan  to  needy  citizens,  for 
instance,  to  poor  farmers,  at  a  low  rate  of  interest.  There 
are  two  serious  objections  to  this.  One  is  that  the  govern- 
ment, that  is,  all  the  people  would  often  be  in  danger  of 
losing  both  principal  and  interest.  The  second  objection 
is  that,  when  merchants  and  others  must  pay  five  and  six 
per  cent,  it  is  not  fair  to  help  any  class  of  the  people  to 
borrow  money  for  two  or  three  per  cent.  This  would  be 
the  same  as  giving  presents  to  one  part  of  the  people  at 
the  expense  of  all. 


LABOK    A2sD   COMPETITION.  213 


CHAPTER   XXXII. 

LABOR   AND  COMPETITION. 

The  law  of  life.  —  The  general  rule  is,  that  men  must 
work  for  their  living.  The  amount  of  work  required  may- 
vary  with  men's  wants,  or  with  the  climate  in  which  they 
live.  A  native  of  Samoa  may  get  all  the  breadfruit  and 
cocoanuts  that  he  needs  with  very  little  effort.  But  the 
higher  the  standard  of  civilization,  the  more  things  men 
want ;  and  the  more  labor  therefore  becomes  necessary. 

The  use  of  machinery,  with  the  forces  of  steam  and  elec- 
tricity, does  not  serve  to  change  the  general  law.  For  the 
more  men  learn  to  save  by  the  use  of  machines,  the  more 
their  needs  increase,  so  that  the  demand  for  labor  still  con- 
tinues. Thus  when  cloth  could  only  be  woven  slowly  by 
hand,  men  could  have  veiy  little.  But  now  that  water 
power  or  steam  can  be  made  to  weave  cloth,  every  one 
wants  much  more,  so  that  men  and  women  still  have  to 
work  for  their  clothing. 

The  law  that  men  must  work  for  their  living,  though  at 
first  it  may  seem  severe,  proves  to  be  a  kindly  law;  as 
on  the  playground,  those  who  join  in  the  play,  not  only 
are  stronger,  but  enjoy  more  than  those  who  only  look  on 
and  watch  the  others.  Even  persons  confined  in  prison 
must  have  a  certain  amount  of  work  in  order  to  keep 
well. 

Labor  and  wages. — If  any  large  number  of  people 
should  stop  working,  the  whole  supply  of  the  nation  would 


214  ,  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

be  cut  down.  Those  who  did  work,  as  well  as  those  who 
did  not,  could  not  have  as  much.  Wages  and  salaries, 
therefore,  would  fall.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  evident  that 
the  larger  the  number  of  the  workei*s  is,  and  the  more  they 
accomplish, — the  fewer  the  drones  in  the  hive,  —  the  greater 
is  the  product,  and  the  more  on  the  whole  every  one  will 
have.  All  wages,  therefore,  will  tend  to  rise.  It  is  the 
same  with  a  nation  as  it  is  with  the  household  of  a  farmer. 
If  all  his  children  work,  they  will  have  produce  to  sell, 
and  will  grow  prosperous.  The  reason  is  seen  here  why 
wages  are  higher  in  the  United  States  than  in  Europe.  It 
is  because  our  whole  product  is  greater. 

Labor  and  wealth.  —  Moreover,  besides  the  increase  of 
men's  needs  and  wants,  there  is  a  constant  increase  in  their 
numbers,  requiring  new  lands  to  be  opened,  new  houses 
to  be  built,  and  new  mills  to  saw  lumber  or  weave  cloth. 
If  all  the  wealth  of  the  richest  nation  were  divided  equally, 
it  would  therefore  last  but  a  short  time  before  men  would 
have  to  go  to  work  to  make  more  wealth.  The  richest 
nation  is  thus  only  in  the  condition  of  a  farmer  who  has 
on  hand  a  rather  better  supply  of  tools,  stock,  and  farm 
buildings.  But  because  he  has  this  better  supply,  even 
more  care  is  required  to  keep  them  in  order,  and  more 
constant  labor  in  using  them.  Thus,  though  the  richer 
farmer  lives  better  than  his  slovenly  neighbor,  he  must 
still  work  equally  hard  or  even  harder,  like  the  winning 
crew  in  a  race. 

A  common  fallacy.  —  It  is  sometimes  imagined  that  it 
would  be  better  for  those  who  work  if  their  numbera  oould 
be  restricted.  They  fancy  that  they  could  then  have  better 
pay.  Or  it  is  thought  that  the  workmen  would  be  better 
off  if  they  worked  fewer  hours  a  day.  There  are  excep- 
tional cases  where  this  may  seem  true  for  a  little  while. 


LABOR   AND   COMPETITION.  215 

But  it  is  obvious  that  the  fewer  laborers  there  are,  the  less 
will  be  the  product  of  the  nation.  If  only  half  as  many 
men  make  shoes,  there  will  be  fewer  shoes  for  all.  If  ten 
million  men  work,  and  five  million  are  idle,  the  latter  will 
have  to  be  fed  by  the  others,  with  less  food  to  go  around. 
In  short,  the  more  intelligent  labor  is  used,  the  greater 
must  be  the  product  which  all  will  at  last  share. 

The  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor.  —  On  the  other 
hand,  there  is  a  limit  beyond  which  men  do  not  work  effi- 
ciently. They  will  not  work  to  advantage  if  wearied, 
oppressed,  or  discontented.  Free  men  will  do  more  work 
in  eight  hours,  putting  good-will  or  interest  into  their 
work,  than  in  ten  or  twelve  hours  of  slave  labor. 

The  general  duty  of  labor.  —  It  follows  that  every  one 
ought  to  contribute  his  share  towards  the  sum  of  the 
product  of  the  nation.  For  if  any  one  only  eats  and 
drinks  and  enjoys,  but  does  not  labor,  he  makes  the  nation 
poorer.  To  work  is  indeed  a  necessity  if  one  is  poor,  but 
it  is  an  honorable  obligation  equally  upon  the  rich.  That 
a  man  is  rich,  gives  him  no  right  to  consume  or  lessen  the 
wealth  of  the  nation.  On  the  contrary,  his  wealth,  like 
the  richer  farmer's  tools  and  stock,  is  an  added  reason  why 
he  should  do  a  larger  share  for  the  good  of  the  whole. 

Different  kinds  of  laborers.  —  The  word  laborer  prop- 
erly covers  all  kinds  of  service  in  behalf  of  the  household 
or  the  community.  In  the  larger  sense  not  only  the  miner, 
the  stevedore,  the  farmer,  or  the  blacksmith,  but  also  the 
clerk,  the  book-keeper,  the  teacher,  the  superintendent  of 
the  mill,  the  president  of  the  bank,  the  trustees  of  prop- 
erty, are  laborers  or  workmen.  Socrates  the  philosopher, 
and  Tennyson  the  poet,  Macaulay  the  historian,  and  Dar- 
win the  naturalist,  all  have  added  each  in  his  way  to  the 
resources  of  mankind. 


216  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Disturbances  in  industry.  —  It  is  difficult  to  divide  the 
labor  of  the  nation  equally,  so  that  each  shall  do  his  fair 
share.  For  some  are  more  willing  or  more  capable  than 
others.  Some  are  quicker  in  finding  their  proper  places. 
If  any  part  of  the  body  fails  to  take  its  share  of  the  bur- 
den, strain  comes  upon  all  the  rest.  Moreover,  if  the  body 
is  exposed  to  sudden  change,  the  circulation  is  checked 
and  one  suffers  a  chill.  So  in  a  great  industrial  society, 
any  sudden  change  of  conditions  is  likely  to  cause  disturb- 
ance. Thus  there  are  frequent  changes  in  the  demands 
for  labor.  There  will  be  a  need  of  wheat,  or  of  boots  and 
shoes,  and  many  will  start  wheat-farms,  or  go  into  the  shoe- 
shops,  till  presently  there  is  more  wheat  or  more  boots  and 
shoes  than  are  called  for.  Every  new  invention  or  im- 
provement, however  beneficial  in  the  long  run,  is  apt  to 
cause  disturbance  and  inconvenience  for  a  time.  Thus  if 
the  farmer  buys  a  reaping-machine,  he  will  not  need  to 
hire  so  many  men,  who  may  not  at  first  find  a  new  employ- 
ment. The  use  of  steam  has  multiplied  the  power  of  the 
world,  but  it  has  also  caused  a  great  deal  of  disturbance 
to  the  old-fashioned  kinds  of  industry  that  worked  by 
hand. 

So  again,  there  may  often  be  too  many  men  trying  to 
get  a  living  in  the  cities,  where  expenses  are  greater 
than  in  the  country.  Or  there  may  be  more  lawyers  or 
architects  than  the  nation  needs  till  it  grows  larger,  and 
the  extra  lawyers  need  to  find  something  else  to  do.  This 
irregularity  causes  inconvenience  and  trouble  and  often 
serious  suffering. 

Business  crises.  —  It  is  said  that  "there  are  tides  in  the 
affairs  of  men."  So  business  and  work  have  their  high 
and  low  tides.  This  is  partly  because  men  have  not  yet 
learned  to  see  far  enough  ahead  to  provide  exactly  the 


LABOR  AND   COIVIPETITION.  217 

amount  of  wheat,  iron,  and  other  materials  that  they  need. 
There  are  not  likely  to  be  too  many  people  to  work,  but 
there  may  easily  be  too  many  workers  in  certain  industries. 
The  law  of  supply  and  demand  acts  in  such  cases  to  cut 
down  profits  and  wages,  and  to  turn  men  from  employ- 
ments where  they  are  less  needed  to  those  where  they  are 
more  needed.  Meanwhile,  during  the  process  of  change, 
work  stops,  thousands  of  men  are  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment, less  wealth  is  therefore  created,  business  becomes 
dull,  merchants  fail,  the  mills  which  are  not  well  man- 
aged go  into  bankruptcy,  and  new  enterprises  are  checked. 
Thus  whenever  men  work  too  fast  or  unwisely,  in  any 
direction,  a  period  of  reaction  is  likely  to  set  in  till  the 
right  proportions  can  be  adjusted ;  as  when  one  uses  the 
muscles  of  his  arm  to  exhaustion,  and  rest  must  be  enforced 
till  they  recover  their  tone. 

The  free  system.  —  Whenever  men  are  quite  free  to 
get  a  living  or  to  pursue  wealth  as  each  chooses,  this  is 
commonly  called  competition.  This  really  means  free  in- 
dustry. Thus  any  one  may  choose  his  own  trade  or  pro- 
fession, or  if  he  does  not  like  it,  he  may  change.  He  is 
free  to  work  hard  or  not;  he  may  make  his  own  bar- 
gains and  set  his  price  upon  the  value  of  his  labor  or  his 
products.  He  is  free  to  acquire  property  to  any  extent, 
or  to  part  with  it.  He  is  free  to  invest  his  money  wher- 
ever he  thinks  that  it  will  bring  him  the  largest  return,  in 
the  land  or  on  the  sea,  or  to  hoard  it,  if  he  can  afford  to 
be  so  foolish.  If  any  one  by  working  harder,  or  by  his 
skill,  or  by  intelligence,  can  make  better  wages  than  his 
neighbor,  he  is  free  to  live  better ;  as  his  neighbor  is  free 
to  follow  his  example  and  to  learn  to  excel  him  in  turn. 
If  any  one  has  a  genius  like  Rothschild,  for  handling  and 
managing  money,  he  is  free  to  exercise  liis  genius,  as  an- 
other is  free  to  handle  his  tools. 


218  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

The  law  of  free  industry.  —  Any  one  is  free  to  work 
when  he  chooses  and  at  sucli  terms  as  he  can  make  for 
himself,  provided  he  does  not  interfere  with  the  rights  of 
other  men.  He  is  not  free  to  snatch  what  belongs  to 
them,  or,  being  stronger,  to  push  them  aside,  or  trip  them 
up,  or  hinder  their  freedom.  As  he  may  not  interfere  with 
them  by  force,  so  he  ought  not  to  hinder  or  oppress  them 
by  fraud,  or  by  getting  laws  passed  to  the  disadvantage  of 
others ;  as  on  the  playground,  the  rule  is  that  all  boys 
shall  be  free  to  play  as  they  like,  only  so  as  not  to  inter- 
fere with  each  other's  games. 

The  good  side  of  freedom.  —  The  freer  men  are  to 
choose  their  work  and  to  use  and  enjoy  its  results,  the 
more  work  they  are  willing  to  do.  Their  energy  and 
enterprise  are  called  out,  their  wits  are  sharpened,  their 
hopes  are  stirred.  If  any  one  wins  unusual  success,  others 
are  encouraged  to  try  better  methods.  If  any  one  enjoys 
his  money,  his  neighbors  are  urged  to  work  the  harder, 
that  they  and  their  children  may  have  the  same  enjoyment. 
Thus  every  one  accomplishes  more  work  in  a  condition  of 
freedom,  and  the  whole  nation  is  richer,  than  if  customs, 
like  slavery  and  caste,  or  a  system  of  laws,  fettered  and 
restricted  men  and  compelled  them  to  work  according  to 
rule.  This  is  on  the  same  principle  that  children  enjoy 
their  sports  better,  when  left  to  themselves,  than  if  a 
parent  or  teacher  were  to  meddle  and  make  rules  for  them. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  wherever  men  are  thus  free  to 
work,  to  earn,  and  to  save  or  use  their  earnings  as  they 
please,  the  capable,  the  industrious,  the  temperate,  and  the 
intelligent  everywhere  tend  to  rise  to  prosperity.  A  con- 
siderable and  increasing  class  become  "  capitalists  "  by  the 
value  of  their  houses  or  shops,  or  the  amount  of  money  in 
the  bank.     The  skilful  are  always  in  demand,  and  at  good 


LABOR  AND   COMPETITION.  219 

wages.  In  fact,  a  day's  labor  never  purchased  so  much  in 
supplies  as  it  does  in  the  United  States,  where  we  use  the 
free  or  competitive  system  of  work. 

The  moral  side.  — Besides,  when  men  labor,  earn,  and 
save  or  spend  with  perfect  freedom,  they  develop  many 
moral  qualities,  such  as  patience,  self-reliance,  self-sacrifice, 
venturesomeness,  integrity,  respect  for  others'  rights,  gen- 
erosity. The  slaves  of  the  kindest  master  could  not  develop 
these  qualities  so  well.  If  a  committee  or  government  of 
the  wisest  men  could  manage  and  make  rules  for  the  rest, 
and  provide  for  every  one's  necessities,  men  would  not  learn 
to  exhibit  these  sterling  qualities  of  manhood  so  well  as 
by  being  thrown  upon  their  own  resources.  We  know 
this  also  from  the  fact  that  the  strongest  characters  have 
been  worked  out  in  brave  and  patient  conflict,  often  with 
difficult  circumstances ;  whereas  the  men  who  have  never 
been  thrown  upon  their  own  resources  rarely  amount  to 
anything. 

Certain  evils.  —  If  some  are  free  to  work  hard  and  earn 
more,  others  must  be  free  to  work  less  and  earn  little ; 
as,  if  boys  race,  some  will  come  in  behind.  It  may  be 
that  those  who  get  less  will  be  jealous  and  suspicious  of 
the  success  of  the  others.  Instead  of  trying  again  and 
doing  better,  they  may  fall  into  the  ranks  of  the  discon- 
tented, like  sulky  children.  This  happens  in  some  cases 
with  men  of  small  natures,  however  fair,  honorable,  and 
merited  the  success  of  the  others  may  be. 

The  men  at  the  bottom.  —  It  is  a  wonder  that  we  have 
learned  to  feed  and  clothe  the  population  of  great  towns 
or  of  vast  armies.  But  such  a  task  is  always  attended 
with  difficulty  and  the  risk  of  occasional  suffering  through 
mistakes  and  accidents.  Our  free  system  does  not  work 
perfectly,  or  as  well  as  it  ought. 


220  1?HE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

In  a  crowded  city  like  London  or  New  York  there  are 
generally  more  workmen  than  there  is  work  to  be  done. 
This  is  partly  because  new  people,  frequently  foreigners, 
are  constantly  coming  into  the  city.  They  cannot  find 
employment  as  fast  as  they  come.  In  such  cases  competi- 
tion brings  much  suffering.  Men  and  women,  who  must 
live,  will  accept  work  for  a  meagre  pittance ;  then  the 
wages  of  others  are  cut  down.  This  is  because  men  are 
free  to  seek  a  living  where  they  please.  If  they  were  not 
free,  fewer  could  be  allowed  to  press  into  the  city.  If 
men,  therefore,  choose  to  be  free,  they  must  sometimes 
suffer  the  consequences  of  their  freedom. 

It  seems  very  hard  that  evil  consequences  should  so 
often  fall  upon  the  poor  and  ignorant.  This  fact  is  a 
constant  incentive  to  better  education,  since  faithful  and 
skilled  men  and  women  more  readily  find  occupation.  It 
also  prevents  the  more  prosperous  from  selfish  content- 
ment; for  there  can  be  no  assured  health  in  the  great 
body  politic  while  any  considerable  number  of  individuals 
are  allowed  to  suffer. 

Two  kinds  of  competition.  —  There  are  two  kinds  of 
competition  in  vogue.  One  is  like  that  of  brutes  who 
struggle  with  each  other.  It  is  as  if  there  were  a  table 
with  just  so  much  food  spread  upon  it,  and  men  tried  to 
get  as  much  as  they  can  for  themselves,  by  pushing  and 
crowding  the  others.  There  are  thus  always  some  men 
in  a  community  who  seek  to  make  their  living  at  the 
expense,  or  by  the  loss,  or  out  of  the  labor,  of  others,  like 
the  robber  barons  who  once  infested  the  valley  of  the 
Rhine.  Not  only  the  laws  now  restrain  violence,  oppres- 
sion, and  fraud,  but  public  opinion  is  growing  to  condemn 
men  who  seek  to  live  by  getting  away  the  property  of 
others.     Public  opinion  is  even  more  effective  than  laws ; 


LABOK   AND   COMPETITION.  221 

for  men,  like  boys,  are  ashamed  to  do  what  their  fellows 
regard  as  mean  and  despicable.  So  far,  however,  as  public 
opinion  praises  men  who  manage  to  snatch  more  than 
their  share,  and  calls  them  "  smart,"  men,  like  boys,  will 
do  as  their  fellows  permit. 

The  competition  of  men ;  emulation.  —  The  competi- 
tion of  brutes  is  to  get  away  what  the  others  possess.  The 
competition  of  men  is  to  do  more  and  better  work ;  it  is 
to  economize  material  and  power ;  it  is  to  add  to  the 
sum  of  human  wealth  and  enjoyment.  In  the  competition 
of  men  every  one  in  the  end  becomes  better  off ;  besides 
those  who  excel,  the  level  of  all  is  raised  and  the  oppor- 
tunities of  all  are  enlarged.  The  object  of  intelligent 
men  is  not,  therefore,  to  snatch  the  food  from  the  limited 
supply  on  the  table,  but  to  heap  the  table  with  larger  and 
more  varied  supplies.  Thus  the  world  says  to  each  indi- 
vidual, "  You  are  free  to  gather  all  that  you  can  from  the 
land,  the  sea,  the  mines,  and  beds  of  ore.  You  can  use 
and  enjoy  as  your  own  whatever  you  gather,  for  we  know 
that  the  more  each  one  has  and  uses  and  enjoys,  the  more 
all  will  have." 


222  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXXIIl. 

THE  GRIEVANCES   OF   THE  POOR. 

The  two  extremes.  —  The  condition  of  mankind  in  bar- 
barous times  was  that  of  constant  peril  from  disease  and 
famine.  Men  frequently  could  not  have  known  where 
their  bread  would  come  from.  Our  present  civilization 
has  not  yet  succeeded  in  raising  all  above  this  chronic 
condition  of  danger  in  which  our  forefathers  once  gener- 
ally lived.  We  have  seen  that  there  are  many,  especially 
in  the  cities,  whose  meagre  wages  barely  keep  them  off 
the  verge  of  want.  They  cannot  always  get  work.  Fre- 
quently their  wages  are  cut  down,  or  they  are  thrown 
suddenly  out  of  employment. 

There  are  thus  two  extremes  in  society,  —  one  made  up 
of  those  who  live  in  luxury,  and  have  even  more  than  they 
need  or  deserve,  and  the  other  of  those  whose  toil  seems 
to  be  hopeless.  Justice  and  humanity  alike  raise  the  ques- 
tion, how  this  very  unequal  distribution  of  wealth  can  be 
kept  from  working  cruelty. 

The  socialists.  —  In  some  countries  there  are  many 
who  are  bitterly  discontented  about  these  things.  They 
are  sometimes  called  socialists :  some  of  them  are  called 
communists.  They  all  believe  that  something  must  be 
wrong  in  a  community  which  allows  some  to  grow  so  rich 
while  many  remain  in  abject  want. 

There  are  various  divisions  among  the  socialists.  A  few 
who  have  suffered  from  bad  government,  like  the  Russian 


THE   GRIEVANCES    OF   THE   POOR.  223 

nihilists,  favor  revolution.  Some,  the  anarchists,  do  not 
believe  at  all  in  governments,  with  armies  and  police  to 
enforce  laws,  but  think  that  men  would  behave  better,  if 
they  were  quite  free  of  the  control  of  the  state.  Some  go 
to  the  o]3posite  extreme,  and  believe  that  the  state  should 
own  all  the  capital,  and  furnish  every  one  with  work  and 
supplies.  Others  think  it  is  a  great  abuse  that  individuals 
can  own  the  land  and  make  others  pay  rent  for  it.  They 
would  have  all  the  land  owned  by  the  community,  and  no 
one  could  have  any  land  which  he  did  not  use.  Every  one 
should  then  pay  a  fair  rent  to  the  government,  that  is,  to 
all  the  people,  to  be  expended  in  place  of  the  taxes,  for 
the  benefit  of  all. 

Others  claim  that  the  government  should  own  the  rail- 
roads, the  telegraph,  the  gas  and  water-works,  and  perhaps 
also  the  mines  and  factories,  and  other  property,  now 
worked  by  great  companies.  The  government  could  then 
furnish  employment  to  laborers  with  fair  wages  and  shorter 
hours  of  work. 

In  general,  whoever  wishes  to  add  to  the  kinds  of  wealth 
which  all  the  people  own  together,  is  so  far  a  socialist.  In 
a  free  and  civilized  country  most  men  are  partly  socialists, 
inasmuch  as  all  favor  common  schools,  parks,  public  build- 
ings, seAvage,  water-works,  and  the  post-office,  and  in  fact, 
a  common  government. 

The  men  and  the  system.  —  It  is  well,  before  a  man 
pulls  down  or  alters  his  house,  to  find  what  part  of  the 
inconvenience  from  which  he  suffers  is  owing  to  the  fault 
of  the  house,  and  how  much  comes  from  his  own  negli- 
gence. It  is  also  necessary  to  have  some  clear  plan  of 
what  he  will  build  in  place  of  the  old  building,  and  how 
he  will  make  the  change.  It  is  evident  that  one  cause  of 
men's  poverty  and  distress  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  in- 


224  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

dividual  men  and  women  who  make  up  society  are  as  yet 
very  imperfect.  The  whole  body  cannot  be  sound  and 
well  unless  the  parts  are  also  sound. 

The  inefficient.  — There  is  everywhere  a  class  of  ne'er- 
do-well  people,  feeble  in  body  or  mind,  lacking  in  energy 
or  skill.  Their  most  serious  misfortune  is  not  in  being 
poor,  but  in  their  want  of  life.  If  there  are  many  of  the 
inefficient,  as  there  are  in  certain  tribes  of  savages,  the 
whole  community  is  poor. 

The  ignorant.  —  So,  too,  if  a  large  proportion  of  people 
are  ignorant.  For  the  ignorant  not  only  cannot  earn  or 
produce  as  much  as  the  intelligent,  but  they  also  waste 
food,  fuel,  money,  and  life  itself,  in  a  thousand  ways.  If, 
then,  a  people,  or  a  single  household,  had  the  best  arrange- 
ments possible,  they  could  not  succeed  in  acquiring  wealth, 
as  long  as  they  were  ignorant. 

The  idle.  —  There  is  a  certain  proportion  of  idle  or  lazy 
persons  who  do  not  care  to  study  or  read,  or  sometimes 
even  to  play,  but  prefer  to  watch  others ;  least  of  all,  do 
they  care  to  work.  The  more  of  these  there  are,  the  harder 
must  others  work.  However  excellent  our  social  arrange- 
ments were,  the  idle  would  tend  to  keep  us  poor.  If  their 
own  needs  no  longer  urged  them  to  work,  it  is  to  be  feared 
that  the  arm  of  the  law  would  be  needful  to  compel  them, 
as  in  the  army,  where  uncomfortable  discipline  has  to  be 
enforced. 

The  unfortunate.  —  There  are  many  who,  without  being 
imbecile  or  inefficient,  are,  through  sickness,  accidents, 
losses,  and  the  death  of  friends,  from  time  to  time  ren- 
dered helpless.  Among  these  are  widows  and  orphans 
who  are  perhaps  permanently  unable  to  earn  their  living. 
All  these  necessarily  loAver  the  average  of  the  prosperity 
of    the   community.     Others   must   cheerfully   work   the 


THE  GBIBVAlfCES   OF  THE  POOR.  225 

harder  in  order  to  make  good  their  misfortunes.  But  no 
mere  change  in  the  arrangement  of  property  will  remove 
this  class. 

The  vicious.  —  Besides  the  cost  of  prisons  and  police, 
the  labor  of  the  community  has  to  bear  the  constant  burden 
of  all  the  vices  which  waste  property,  destroy  health,  and 
ruin  character.  Drunkenness  alone  is  the  cause  of  a  large 
proportion  of  the  poverty. 

On  the  other  hand,  vice,  and  especially  drunkenness  and 
idleness,  are  apt  to  prevail  whenever  many  are  discon- 
tented or  suffer  injustice  or  oppression;  as  boys  do  not 
behave  as  well  unless  they  believe  in  the  fairness  of  their 
teacher.  So  it  is  necessary  that  men  should  have  confi- 
dence that  the  arrangements  of  society  are  on  the  whole 
just. 

A  problem.  —  The  individuals  who  make  human  societj- 
are  more  or  less  imperfect,  only  partly  educated,  partially 
successful  or  happy.  No  plan  will  therefore  give  us  per- 
fect results  till  the  individuals  are  better ;  as  a  crew  cannot 
row  successfully  in  the  best  boat  unless  the  rowers  are  all 
strong  and  skilful.  Can  we  now  contrive  any  new  plan 
or  improvement  by  which  all  can  have  and  enjoy  more  ? 
Before  we  answer  this  question  we  need  to  see  the  main 
objects  to  be  secured  by  human  society. 

The  objects  of  society.  —  One  object  is  material,  that 
is,  an  abundant  supply  of  all  sorts  of  products.  If,  then, 
our  present  arrangement  barely  gives  an  average  of  forty 
cents  a  day  to  each  person,  we  should  still  require  as  large 
or  larger  supplies.  We  want,  therefore,  to  be  quite  cer- 
tain that  men  would  do  as  much  work  under  another 
system  as  they  do  now. 

No  perfect  justice  with  imperfect  men.  —  Another 
object  to  be  secured  is  justice  and  the  contentment  felt 


226  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

when  every  one  receives  it.  We  fail  of  justice  as  long  as 
some  have  more  and  others  less  than  they  deserve.  But 
we  should  not  secure  justice  or  contentment  by  sharing 
alike,  however  much  or  little  each  did.  Neither  is  any 
one  nor  any  number  of  men  wise  and  good  enough  to 
award  perfect  justice  and  remove  all  discontent. 

Freedom  and  manhood.  —  The  greatest  of  all.  objects 
to  be  gained  by  human  society  is  manhood  or  character. 
"We  want  capable,  faithful,  patriotic,  and  disinterested  men 
and  women,  since  a  state  made  up  of  such  citizens  will 
be  stronger,  richer,  and  happier.  We  have  seen  that  a 
large  freedom  stimulates  character,  as  fresh  air  stimulates 
physical  life.  If  any  new  system  could  even  increase  our 
supplies,  it  would  still  need  to  be  shown  that  it  would  also 
make  our  people  more  energetic,  capable,  generous,  and 
high-minded. 

It  is  with  men  as  with. children.  If  they  abuse  or  waste 
their  playthings,  or  cheat  with  their  marbles,  the  remedy 
is  not  in  taking  the  playthings  away  from  them,  or  in 
compelling  them  to  change  their  game  for  a  new  one. 
What  we  want  is  not  to  prevent  them  by  force  from  cheat- 
ing or  abusing  their  sports,  but  to  train  them  to  play  with 
skill  and  fairness. 

Faith  or  trust  in  men.  —  Human  society  is  bound  to- 
gether by  justice  and  confidence.  We  trust,  on  the  whole, 
that  our  fellow-men  will  do  right ;  that  if  we  show  them 
evident  wrongs,  they  will  be  fair  enough  to  correct  them ; 
that  if  help  is  needed  for  the  unfortunate,  they  will  cheer- 
fully render  it.  If  men  cannot  be  trusted  in  the  long  run  to 
do  right  of  their  own  will,  no  laws  or  rules  or  systems  can  be 
trusted.  For  men  must  make  and  enforce  the  rules.  But 
if  men  can  be  trusted  voluntarily  to  do  justice,  the  fewer 
rules  we  make  to  bind  and  compel  them,  the  better  they 


THE   GRIEVANCES   OF  THE   POOR.  227 

•will  behave ;  like  students  trusted  by  the  college,  who 
respond  better  to  trust  than  to  rules  or  force. 

Our  laws,  then,  are  for  the  exceptional  cases  of  those 
who  cannot  be  trusted ;  but  society,  as  a  whole,  ought  to 
be  like  the  model  school,  where  rules  are  least  needed. 
This  is  the  idea  of  our  free  society.  This  could  not  well 
be  under  any  plan  which  gave  to  the  government  the  con- 
trol of  the  work  and  .the  wealth,  as  well  as  the  power  to 
command  the  idle  or  unwilling. 

Summary.  —  However  much  we  desire  to  cure  injustice, 
or  to  bring  relief  to  the  poor,  we  must  still  seek  to  pre- 
serve the  greatest  possible  freedom,  since  we  cannot  make 
men  just  by  compulsion.  We  cannot  cure  one  kind  of 
injustice  by  doing  another  kind.  If  we  knew  that  some 
one  had  more  wealth  than  he  deserved,  this  would  not 
make  it  right  for  his  neighbors  to  appropriate  his  wealth 
by  a  majority  vote. 

It  is  probable  that  the  permanent  common  wealth  will 
largely  increase,  at  least  in  the  form  of  schoolhouses,  hos- 
pitals, museums,  public  grounds,  and  buildings.  No  one 
can  foresee  sufficiently  to  be  sure  that  various  offices,  now 
performed  by  great  corporations  of  individuals,  may  not 
sometime  be  advantageously  performed  by  the  whole  body 
of  the  people. 

The  fact  seems  to  be  that,  when  all  are  faithful  and 
honest  enough  to  be  trusted  to  act  freely  as  individuals, 
all  can  then  be  trusted  to  act  justly  together.  Neither  can 
all  work  together,  without  doing  each  other  any  injustice, 
unless  the  individuals  have  first  learned  to  be  just ;  as  the 
boys  of  a  club  cannot  play  well  together  till  all  its  members 
are  willing  to  do  their  share  of  the  work. 


228  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

THE  ABT7SES  AND  THE  DUTIES   OF   WEALTH. 

The  significance  of  property.  —  Property  gives  its  pos- 
sessor a  lien  on  the  produce  of  the  world.  Besides  the 
share  which  his  work  or  skill  buys,  he  is  also  entitled  to 
an  extra  share  representing  his  property.  He  may  even 
do  nothing,  and  yet  draw  from  the  world  an  income  equal 
to  the  value  of  the  labor  of  scores  or  hundreds  of  men.  It 
is  as  if  the  world  carried  a  mortgage  upon  its  shoulders. 
If  one  thinks  of  all  the  products  of  the  world  as  put  into  a 
Vast  pile,  a  certain  part  of  the  pile  must  be  given  to  the 
owners  of  property.  On  the  other  hand,  the  pile  is  larger 
on  account  of  the  property  which  has  been  used  as  capital. 
The  owners  of  property  have  furnished  necessary  tools, 
machinery,  and  materials.  The  property-owners  have  often 
made  the  tools  by  their  skill,  or  invented  the  machinery, 
or  gathered  the  material  by  their  frugality.  So  far  as  this 
has  been  the  case,  no  one  grudges  them  their  larger  share 
in  the  products.  Neither  is  any  one  poorer  because  they 
have  more. 

The  rich.  —  A  few  rich  men  in  every  community  often 
possess  a  disproportionate  share  of  all  the  property.  This 
is  true  on  a  small  scale  in  a  fishing- village  or  among  farm- 
ers. It  is  partly  on  account  of  good  fortune,  by  wlrich 
one  man  out  of  a  hundred  finds  the  school  of  fish  or  the 
nugget  of  gold.  It  is  partly  the  result  of  training  and 
character,  sinofi  only  the  few  know  how  to  manage  and 


THE  ABUSES   AND  THE  DUTIES   OF   WEALTH.         229 

keep  their  property.  It  is  partly  also  because  property, 
like  a  snowball,  after  it  has  rolled  up  to  a  certain  size, 
tends  to  grow  very  fast. 

Besides  those  who  are  rich  through  the  ownership  of 
property,  such  as  houses  and  lands,  there  is  a  considerable 
class  who  are  practically  rich  through  the  large  incomes 
which  genius,  special  ability,  or  skill  enables  them  to  draw. 
The  voice  of  a  great  singer,  the  acumen  of  a  great  lawyer, 
the  insight  of  a  physician,  or  the  rare  administrative  ability 
of  a  railroad  superintendent,  naturally  brings  the  same  sort 
of  exceptional  income  as  the  possession  of  visible  property, 
and  raises  its  possessor  into  the  class  of  the  rich.  Rare 
skill  or  genius,  in  fact,  like  good  fortune,  is  a  natural 
inequality,  making  one  man  to  differ  from  others. 

The  rich  who  have  done  no  service.  —  The  custom  of 
mankind  has  not  only  allowed  men  themselves  to  enjoy  the 
advantage  of  wealth  or  exceptional  ability,  but  also  to  give 
property  to  others,  and  especially  to  their  children.  Many 
are  therefore  rich  who  have  done  no  more  service  them- 
selves for  the  enrichment  of  mankind  than  if  they  had  not 
been  born.  In  some  cases  the  law  of  inheritance  has  doubt- 
less made  children  rich  by  fortunes,  like  those  of  pirates 
or  gamblers,  which  their  fathers  had  acquired  by  fraud. 
The  truth  is,  that  if  it  is  deemed  best  to  permit  the  good 
and  deserving  to  grow  rich,  and  to  transmit  their  wealth 
to  their  children,  the  dishonest  will  sometimes  do  the  same. 

The  different  uses  of  wealth. — There  is  no  danger  to 
a  family,  in  case  one  of  the  children  takes  better  care  of 
his  toys  than  the  others,  or  is  ingenious  and  makes  play- 
things for  himself,  and  so  possesses  more  than  the  rest. 
For  the  whole  household  has  more  resources  than  if  he 
had  less.  It  would  be  quite  different  if  the  ingenious  boy 
undertook  to  get  away  the  toys  and  playthings  that  belonged 


230  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

to  the  others.  There  are  two  kinds  of  uses,  likewise,  which 
may  be  made  of  their  wealtii  by  the  rich. 

One  use  is  to  make  the  great  pile  of  the  products  of  the 
world  larger,  in  which  case  every  one  will  be  better  off. 
Thus  if  a  millionnaire  were  to  lay  out  his  income  in  build- 
ing houses,  although  he  might  grow  still  richer  by  the  rent 
from  the  houses,  the  city  would  be  richer,  and  every  one 
might  have  better  and  cheaper  shelter.  So  if  he  built  a 
mill,  gave  work  to  a  thousand  men,  and  made  flour  or 
cloth. 

But  suppose  the  rich  man  used  the  power  of  his  wealth 
to  get  away  what  others  possessed ;  suppose  that  he  bought 
up  all  the  houses  in  order  to  charge  a  higher  rent ;  or  sup- 
pose he  and  others  with  him  owned  a  railroad  and  refused 
to  take  corn  to  market  unless  the  farmer  paid  a  ruinous 
charge;  or  suppose  that  rich  men  bought  all  the  salt- 
springs,  so  as  to  tax  every  one  in  the  country  for  their 
own  selfish  benefit.     This  would  be  to  create  a  monopoly. 

Monopolies,  good  and  bad.  —  It  is  a  monopoly  when  one 
or  a  few  hold  and  control  the  use  of  any  valuable  thing. 
A  monopoly  is  not  always  b*ad  or  unfair.  Jenny  Lind's 
voice  was  thus  a  sort  of  natural  monopoly.  It  gave  her 
the  opportunity  to  become  very  rich.  The  laws  also  confer 
a  monopoly  upon  an  inventor  or  author.  No  one  can  use 
the  invention  or  publish  the  book  without  paying  the  man 
who  holds  the  patent  or  copyright.  The  laws  even  give 
the  inventor  the  right  to  charge  more  than  is  fair  if  he 
chooses.  There  are  many  monopolies,  however,  which  are 
plainly  oppressive.  If  Robinson  Crusoe  had  secured  the 
only  spring  of  water  upon  his  island,  and  refused  to  let 
new  colonists  have  water  without  working  for  him,  this 
would  be  a  cruel  monopoly.  So  whenever  men  buy  up 
some  great  article  of  universal  necessity,  like  rice,  coffee, 


THE   ABUSES   AND  THE  DUTIES   OF   WEALTH.  231 

or  quinine,  in  order  to  get  their  own  price  out  of  other's 
pockets ;  or,  again,  when  they  get  laws  passed  compelling 
every  one  to  use  the  product  of  their  mines  or  their  mills. 

The  limit  of  monopolies.  —  The  great  moral  laws  which 
govern  the  world  limit  monopolies.  If  the  monopoly  is 
abused,  it  checks  or  kills  itself.  The  great  singer  may  ask 
too  large  a  price  ;  the  authoi-  or  the  inventor  may  charge 
so  much  as  to  stop  his  sales.  The  railroad  will  not  make 
so  much  money  by  high  rates  as  by  carrying  more  goods 
at  fair  rates ;  or  if  its  rates  are  exorbitant,  another  road 
may  be  built.  The  salt  or  the  sugar  must  not  cost  too 
much,  or  people  will  send  abroad  to  get  their  supplies. 
This  is  in  case  the  monopoly  is  not  protected  by  force  or 
by  law.  But  if  the  laws  make  the  monopoly,  giving  ad- 
vantages to  one  or  to  the  few,  or  to  a  class  of  nobles  or 
rich  men,  the  only  remedy  is  in  making  the  laws  equal 
for  all. 

Land  monopoly.  —  It  sometimes  happens  in  a  city  that 
one  man  or  a  few,  owning  land  needed  for  building,  hold 
it  so  as  either  to  keep  it  out  of  the  market  and  arrest  the 
growth  of  the  city,  or  else  to  require  unreasonable  prices. 
This  makes  a  monopoly.  The  owners  jnay  finally  lease 
their  land,  so  as  to  draw  a  large  income  from  the  business 
of  the  city. 

So  when  men  get  control  of  great  tracts  of  fertile  land, 
or  of  timber,  or  of  mines.  The  time  may  come  when 
these  men  have  a  monopoly,  and  can  therefore  demand 
their  own  price  for  the  land.  This  price  has  to  come  out 
of  other  men's  pockets.  For  the  men  who  hold  the  land 
monopoly  do  not  add  to  the  wealth  of  the  world,  or  confer 
any  benefit  by  holding  their  property  out  of  the  market. 

The  cure  of  land  monopolies.  —  The  laws  may  be  made 
either  to  encourage  monopolists  of  land  or  to  discourage 


232  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

them.  It  rests  largely  with  the  assessors  of  taxes  to  see 
that  the  men  who  hold  more  land  than  they  really  use, 
hoping  to  make  money  by  keeping  it,  shall  pay  as  much 
into  the  treasury  as  would  be  paid  if  the  land  were  sold  to 
those  who  would  put  buildings  upon  it  or  cultivate  it. 

The  rivalry  of  the  rich.  —  As  kings  used  foolishly  to 
fight  with  each  other  to  extend  their  domain,  so  the  rich 
may  employ  their  wealth  to  ruin  each  other's  property,  or 
in  the  hope  of  winning  more  at  others'  loss.  Thus  for- 
tunes sometimes  change  hands  on  Wall  Street  as  at  a 
gambling-table.  Or  men  contrive  to  injure  the  trade  or 
the  business  of  their  rivals,  and  even  to  drive  them  into 
bankruptcy,  or  to  make  it  unjorofi table  for  them  to  run 
their  mills.  This  sort  of  struggle  plainly  does  not  make 
the  pile  of  the  product  of  the  world  larger,  but  lessens  the 
general  wealth  and  often  produces  great  hardship,  as  in 
any  kind  of  war. 

Waste  by  the  rich.  —  A  great  fortune  may  be  like  a 
great  reservoir  in  which  the  water  is  stored  for  further  use 
to  irrigate  the  fields.  But  suppose  the  man  uses  his  great 
income  for  his  own  indulgence,  for  his  whims  and  fancies, 
like  the  famous  mad  king  of  Bavaria.  Suppose  he  spends 
it  in  costly  banquets,  or  locks  it  u-p  in  private  pleasure- 
grounds.  Even  so  he  cannot  spend  without  giving  his 
money  back,  through  the  goods  he  pays  for  and  the  men 
whom  he  hires.  Nevertheless,  his  waste  and  extravagance 
become  a  public  loss.  For  while  the  investments  of  his 
income  in  new  buildings  or  railroads  cheapen  prices  and 
rents,  his  expense  for  extra  service  and  luxuries  makes 
prices  dearer  for  others. 

We  can  imagine  the  evils  of  gigantic  wealth  to  be  such 
that  the  community  would  be  forced  to  erect  some  limit 
or  safeguard  against  the  abuse  of  money  —  as  we  do  in  the 


THE  ABUSES   AND  THE  DUTIES   OF   WEALTH.         233 

case  of  the  insane,  or  to  guard  against  a  public  enemy; 
nevertheless,  the  peculiar  evils  of  riches  in  the  hands  of  a 
iew  depend  mainly  upon  the  character  of  the  rich  men, 
and  disappear  when  they  are  wise,  just,  and  public  spirited; 
as  power  in  the  mayor  or  president  is  only  dangerous  in 
case  of  his  incapacity  or  injustice. 

Capitalists. — The  poor  man  begins  to  be  rich  as  soon 
as  he  has  acquired  any  kind  of  property,  as  tools,  or  land, 
or  a  house.  He  then  becomes  a  capitalist.  He  may  be 
an  owner  of  shares  in  the  great  railroad  for  which  he 
works.  The  bank  or  railroad  company  in  which  he  is  an 
owner  may  possess  more  property  than  any  man  in  the 
state.  Like  the  rich  man's  fortune,  so  the  company  com- 
posed of  many  little  capitalists  is  a  reservoir  for  accumulat- 
ing and  using  money.  It  has  also  some  of  the  same  dangers 
of  wasting  its  resources,  or  of  using  its  power  to  fight  with 
others,  or  of  making  monopolies,  or  even  controlling  legis- 
lation. It  is  not,  therefore,  the  rich  who  are  to  be  feared  so 
much  as  wasteful,  reckless,  or  unscrupulous  men,  whether 
they  have  much  or  little. 

The  duties  of  wealth. — -The  possession  of  wealth  is 
not  merely  a  right  which  certain  ones  enjoy,  or  a  luxury  of 
which  a  few  accidentally  may  have  more  than  their  share. 
Wealth  imposes  certain  obvious  duties  upon  its  possessor. 

Trusteeship.  —  There  are  in  the  United  States  hundreds 
of  millionnaires,  holding  the  title  to  a  large  proportion  of 
the  .  land,  banks,  railroads,  mines,  and  factories.  Their 
actual  or  personal  services  to  the  community  cannot  gen- 
erally have  been  worth  as  much  money  as  they  possess. 
They  may,  therefore,  justly  be  considered  as  so  many  trus- 
tees, having  for  the  time  the  care  and  management  of  the 
accumulation  of  the  wealth  of  the  whole  community. 
This  great  fund,  as  we  have  seen,  is  partly  the  product  of 


2.34  THE  AJMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

human  labor  and  thought,  and  partly  the  bounty  of  nature. 
It  is  morally  sacred  for  purposes  of  good.  The  fact  that 
this  obligation  is  not  legal,  but  moral,  makes  it  more  hon- 
orable. The  idea  of  trusteeship  does  not  apply  merely  to 
millionnaires.  Every  person  is  responsible  for  all  that  he 
uses  or  spends. 

So  far  as  rich  men  acknowledge  and  act  under  this  obli- 
gation of  trusteeship,  there  is  no  hardship  in  their  acquir- 
ing and  holding  as  much  wealth  as  they  please.  Moreover, 
if  any  one  is  a  foolish  or  incapable  trustee,  the  general  rule 
is  that  his  wealth  goes  out  of  his  hands,  as  power  disappears 
from  one  who  does  not  know  how  to  use  it. 

Service.  —  We  have  seen  that  the  possession  of  property 
gives  no  one  a  right  to  lead  a  useless  or  idle  life.  On  the 
contrary,  however  much  one  inherits  or  accumulates,  one 
is  bound  to  the  universal  duty  of  some  kind  of  service  in 
making  the  world  better,  richer,  or  happier.  The  more 
wealth  one  possesses,  the  meaner  he  therefore  is,  like  the 
stronger  or  older  brother  in  the  household,  if  he  does  no 
good  with  his  money,  or  if  he  makes  of  himself  only  a 
bigger  drone  in  the  hive. 

Sharing.  —  The  trusteeship  of  property  makes  it  shame- 
ful for  any  intelligent  person  to  lavish  expense  upon  him- 
self. So  with  unnecessary  exclusiveness,  especially  with 
regard  to  grounds,  paintings,  and  works  of  art.  That  a  man 
should  attempt  by  his  wealth  to  fence  out  the  public  from 
a  great  forest,  or  appropriate  for  himself  alone  a  tract  of 
seashore,  betrays  the  selfishness  of  a  small  mind.  The 
rarer  products  of  wealth  ought  to  be  held  with  a  generous 
consideration  towards  the  community  upon  whose  labor 
wealth  is  based.  We  appeal  here  to  the  same  principles 
of  honor  and  kindliness  which  hold  in  every  home  and 
schoolroom.     If  it  is  better  to  let  the  child  own  his  knife 


THE  ABUSES  AND   THE  DUTIES   OP  WEALTH.         235 

or  ball  for  which  he  is  responsible,  it  is  still  his  duty  to 
share  its  use  with  the  others,  as  it  is  wrong  to  lock  it  up 
for  his  own  pleasure. 

Public  munificence.  —  It  was  the  custom  of  the  Athe- 
nians to  expect  of  their  richer  men  to  undertake  certain 
special  kinds  of  public  expense,  as  the  fitting  out  of  a 
trireme,  or  the  cost  of  a  festival.  So  in  our  times  there 
is  a  just  expectation  that  no  rich  man  will  live  and  die 
without  some  worthy  public  benefactions.  A  generous  pub- 
lic spirit  should  spare  the  rich  the  envy  of  their  poorer 
neighbors. 

It  is  not  merely  generosity  to  give ;  it  is  the  return  of 
an  obligation,  or  the  discharge  of  a  trust.  For  much  of  the 
accumulated  wealth  of  the  world  has  arisen  from  the  toil 
and  effort  of  the  men  of  the  past,  from  whom  we  all 
inherit.  A  portion  is  always  due,  therefore,  not  only  for 
present  needs,  but  also  to  keep  good  what  we  have  in- 
herited, in  special  provision  for  the  future,  —  for  public 
works  and  buildings ;  for  schools  and  colleges  ;  for  works 
of  philanthropy  or  religion.  The  more  property  one  has, 
the  larger  his  honorable  responsibility  for  these  purposes. 

How  property  ought  to  be  distributed.  —  That  com- 
munity would  not  be  most  prosperous  and  happy  in  which 
all  had  precisely  the  same  income,  for  this  is  not  just; 
nor  where  the  state  held  everything,  and  the  individual's 
freedom  to  follow  his  natural  bent  was  taken  away.  But 
the  truest  prosperity  would  come  about,  where  the  laws 
gave  free  scope  to  the  skill  and  energy  of  the  people  in 
earning  wealth;  where,  among  rich  and  poor  alike,  least 
money  was  wasted  and  squandered ;  and  where  the  accu- 
mulated wealth  came  to  be  distributed,  according  to  each 
man's  wisdom,  integrity,  and  capacity  for  using  it  well. 
In  such  conditions,  if  the  wiser  and  more  able  were  also 


236  THE  AMEEICAN   CITIZEN. 

friendly  and  considerate,  no  one  could  fall  into  grievous 
poverty,  and  no  rich  man  who  held  himself  as  a  trustee  of 
his  wealth  could  use  it  for  oppression.  Thus  the  free 
system  of  acquiring  and  holding  wealth  promises  to  work 
out  justice  and  happiness,  as  fast  as  individuals  learn  to 
be  fair,  and  to  do  by  others  as  they  wish  others  to  do  by 
them.  Whereas,  unless  there  are  plenty  of  such  fair- 
minded  individuals,  there  can  be  no  happiness  or  prosperity 
enforced  by  rules,  whether  made  by  a  sovereign  like  the 
Emperor  of  Germany,  or  by  the  majority  of  a  republic. 


BUYERS  AND  SELLERS.  237 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

BUYERS   AND  SELLERS;    OR,   THE  MUTUAL  BENEFIT. 

There  are  two  theories  of  the  conduct  of  business.  One 
theory  is,  that  each  party  in  trade  aims  to  get  an  advantage 
over  his  neighbor:  one  should  try  to  get  as  much  and 
give  as  little  as  possible.  If  goods  are  defective,  the  seller 
should  conceal  the  fact.  The  only  rights  vrhich  this  the- 
ory of  business  recognizes  are  legal  rights.  One  must  not 
overreach  far  enough  to  come  within  the  penalties  of  the 
law.  Otherwise,  so  far  as  the  law  does  not  prescribe,  the 
other  party  to  a  bargain  must  look  out  for  himself. 

The  notion  underlying  this  theory  of  business  is  that 
whatever  one  makes,  the  other  loses.  As  in  gambling  it 
is  thought  to  be  for  the  interest  of  the  winner  that  all  the 
others  should  lose,  so  in  business  it  is  sometimes  supposed 
that  the  successful  merchant  grows  rich  at  the  expense  of 
his  neighbors.  Business  is  thus  a  game  in  which  every 
one  is  trying  to  win.  The  laws  are  merely  the  rules  of 
the  game. 

The  idea  of  business.  —  The  fact  is,  that  buyers  and 
sellers  perform  mutual  services  to  each  other.  Mercantile 
business  is  not  a  game,  but  an  industry,  like  farming  or 
manufacturing.  The  merchant  increases  the  value  of  goods 
by  bringing  them  to  market.  He  therefore  deserves  wages 
or  salary  for  the  services  which  he  renders  in  collecting 
and  distributing  his  goods.  He  receives  his  wages  in  the 
form  of  the  surplus  of  his  sales  over  their  cost.    The  larger 


238  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

his  sales  and  the  greater  his  skill,  —  that  is,  the  more  valu- 
able his  services,  —  the  greater  his  income  deserves  to  be. 
The  law  of  supply  and  demand  regulates  this.  The  income 
of  merchants  is  not,  however,  uniform.  Sometimes  it  is 
less  than  the  equivalent  of  the  work  and  cost  which  they 
have  spent,  and  sometimes  much  more.  In  the  long  run, 
it  is  nearly  the  same  as  equal  labor,  skill,  and  experience 
would  produce  in  any  other  industry. 

It  follows  that  what  the  merchant  honestly  makes  is  not 
at  any  one's  expense  or  loss.  The  wheat  gathered  in  the 
warehouses  is  actually  worth  more  than  in  the  farmers' 
granaries.  Neither  the  farmer,  therefore,  nor  any  one  else 
has  lost  by  the  merchant's  profit  in  the  purchase  and  sale 
of  the  wheat.     So  with  all  other  products. 

The  rights  of  buyers  and  sellers.  —  The  earliest  kind 
of  trade  was  barter.  In  barter  each  party  was  both  buyer 
and  seller.  In  fair  barter  each  shared  the  mutual  advan- 
tage of  the  exchange  ;  as,  for  example,  a  pack  of  skins  for 
a  sack  of  wheat.  So  in  modern  trade,  which  is  only  a 
more  complicated  kind  of  barter.  In  a  fair  sale  the  buyer 
and  seller  divide  the  value  of  a  mutual  advantage  between 
them :  each,  therefore,  ought  to  be  better  off  than  before. 
If  any  dealer,  as  a  rule,  got  for  himself  the  whole  advan- 
tage of  his  bargains,  it  would  be  the  same  as  getting  what 
did  not  belong  to  him. 

It  follows  that  all  overreaching,  even  though  the  laws 
do  not  specify  it,  is  an  attempt  to  get  what  belongs  to 
another.  The  sale  of  goods  which  are  defective  or  below 
the  standard — the  adulteration  of  food  or  the  watering 
of  milk  —  is  not  trade,  but  an  attempt  to  get  what  be- 
longs to  others.  So,  too,  of  purchasers  who  seek  to  beat 
prices  down  to  less  than  the  cost  of  goods :  they  not  only 
try  to  get  what  belongs  to  others,  but  they  tempt  men  to 
cheat  them. 


BUYERS   AND   SELLERS.  239 

The  interests  of  buyers  and  sellers.  —  It  is  not  only 
just  that  buyers  and  sellers  should  share  in  the  mutual 
advantage  of  their  bargains,  it  is  also  for  their  interest. 
This  is  the  meaning  of  the  proverb,  that  honesty  is  the 
best  policy.  Thus  business  is  best  when  every  class  gets 
fair  pay  for  its  services.  If  the  farmers  do  not  get  their 
share  of  the  proceeds  of  then-  labor,  the  merchants  will 
feel  the  loss  in  the  end  in  the  diminution  of  business. 
This  is  also  true  in  individual  cases,  because,  as  a  rule, 
men  appreciate  just  treatment,  and  tend  to  do  as  they  are 
done  by.  In  a  community  where  men  aim  to  share  equita- 
bly, there  is  a  general  increase  of  values,  and  there  is, 
therefore,  more  wealth  to  share. 

Legitimate  and  illegitimate  business.  —  It  follows 
that  only  those  kinds  of  business  are  righteous  which 
result  in  benefit  to  the  public.  A  business  which  does  no 
good  on  the  whole,  or  which  even  results  in  harm  or  loss 
to  the  community,  no  just  man  ought  to  engage  in.  It 
makes  no  difference  with  this  principle,  that  custom  and 
the  laws  sometimes  allow  harmful  business.  Thus  when 
no  laws  forbade  the  sale  of  powder,  firearms,  and  liquor 
to  savages,  the  business  was  no  less  bad  in  its  effects.  So 
if  the  owner  of  a  building  rents  it  for  an  injurious  purpose, 
as,  for  example,  a  low  drinking-saloon. 

The  law  of  supply  and  demand,  or  competition  in 
bujring  and  selling.  —  One  can  imagine  all  the  cattle  of 
the  country  to  be  in  the  hands  of  a  few  families,  who  have 
cattle  and  nothing  else.  They  must  therefore  have-  wheat 
and  other  supplies  from  the  farmers.  They  begin  by 
exchanging  with  the  nearest  farmer  at  his  own  price, 
which  happens  to  give  him  a  large  profit.  A  second 
farmer  presently  appears  and  offers  his  wheat  for  less ;  and 
the  first  farmer,  rather  than  not  sell,  reduces  his  price. 


240  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Thus,  after  a  time,  by  competition,  the  farmers  fix  a  price 
as  low  as  they  can  afford.  Henceforward  the  exchange  of 
cattle  and  wheat  regulates  itself  according  to  the  plenty 
or  scarcity  of  the  one  product  and  the  other.  If  the  cattle 
men  have  a  good  year,  they  can  afford  to  furnish  cattle  at 
a  lower  price ;  if  wheat  is  scarce,  it  must  be  dearer. 

It  is  in  some  such  way  as  this  that  the  prices  of  all  sorts 
of  things  are  fixed.  The  more  valuable  or  the  rai-er  a 
thing  is, — in  other  words,  the  more  work  it  costs  to  obtain 
it,  —  the  higher  the  price  which  is  fixed  upon  it.  If  the 
demand  is  so  great  that  many  set  to  work  to  supply  it,  and 
it  presently  becomes  plentiful,  or  if  the  demand  falls,  the 
price  is  lowered  accordingly.  Thus,  once  iron  was  scarce 
and  costly,  till  men  learned  to  produce  it  on  a  great  scale ; 
the  more  iron  mines  were  worked,  the  cheaper  became  all 
sorts  of  iron  ware.  So  there  was  once  great  profit  in  trad- 
ing on  foreign  shores,  as  in  China;  but  as  more  ships  were 
built  and  plenty  of  tea  was  brought  home,  the  profits 
finally  fell  so  that  it  scarcely  paid  better  to  build  ships 
than  to  build  houses. 

Selling  in  the  dearest  market. — We  may  suppose  that 
a  farmer  raises  fruit  and  vegetables,  which  few  of  his 
neighbors  in  the  country  care  to  buy.  But  a  few  miles 
away,  in  the  town,  there  are  many  people  who  need  his 
products.  Their  demand,  being  active,  will  allow  the 
farmer  a  good  price.  This  is  because  he  brings  his  fruits 
where  they  are  most  wanted.  If  now  he  can  send  to  the 
great  city,  and  if  he  can  furnish  fruit  of  superior  quality 
for  persons  who  demand  the  best  articles,  he  will  reap  still 
better  prices.  The  "dearest  market,"  then,  is  wherever 
the  demand  or  need  is  greatest.  Whoever  will  take  the 
pains  to  meet  such  a  demand  will  be  well  paid.  The  dear- 
est market,  also,  is  usually,  though   not   always,  where 


BUYEES   AND   SELLERS.  241 

people  can  best  afford  to  pay  a  higher  price.  Thus  the 
dearest  market  for  the  farmer  and  fisherman  is  in  the  city, 
where  most  money  is.  It  is  therefore  an  advantage  to 
both  buyer  and  seller  for  goods  to  be  brought  to  the 
dearest  markets. 

Buying  in  the  cheapest  market.  —  The  cheapest  market 
is  where  there  is  a  most  plentiful  supply.  The  cheapest 
market  for  the  fish  is  on  the  shore  when  the  fishing-boats 
come  in.  Here,  then,  is  the  place  to  buy  to  best  advantage. 
The  best  place,  likewise,  to  buy  clothing  is  in  the  great 
shop  where  clothing  is  piled  on  the  shelves.  Whoever 
will  buy  where  goods  are  plentiful,  that  is,  cheapest,  accom- 
modates the  seller  also,  who  wants  money  instead  of  his 
goods.  Thus  it  is  to  the  advantage  of  every  one  when 
purchasers  buy  in  the  cheapest  market.  If,  however,  many 
purchasers  crowd  into  the  cheap  market  so  that  the  goods 
become  scarce,  it  is  fair  to  all  to  raise  the  prices.  In  this 
case  those  buy  the  goods  who  need  them  or  care  most  for 
them ;  but  those  who  can  get  along  without  them  do  not 
buy,  or  purchase  something  else,  or  they  seek  a  cheaper, 
that  is,  more  plentiful,  market.  Meanwhile,  as  soon  as 
prices  rise,  men  set  to  work  to  provide  a  cheaper  market 
again ;  in  other  words,  to  furnish  a  fresh  and  larger  supply. 

The  attempt  of  men  to  sell  in  the  dearest  market  and  to 
buy  in  the  cheapest,  constantly  works  to  bring  goods  of  all 
kinds  precisely  where  they  are  most  wanted,  and  also 
to  distribute  money  where  it  is  needed.  It  is  a  part  of 
the  great  natural  process  through  which  the  result  of  the 
work  of  the  world  is  divided.^  It  is  like  the  circulation  of 
the  blood  in  the  body,  which  is  always  seeking  to  flow 
whert  thtro  is  a  hunger  for  it  or  a  loss  to  b«  replaced. 

1  S«e  Ckaptsr  XX Vm.,  pagM  188  and  189, 


242  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

Freedom  in  trade.  —  In  barbarous  times  it  was  so  peril- 
ous and  costly  to  travel,  and  transportation  of  goods  in- 
volved such  risks,  that  men  might  perish  within  a  few 
miles  of  a  cheap  market.  For  many  centuries,  also,  there 
were  so  many  tolls  collected  of  merchants  and  so  many 
custom-houses  on  the  border  of  every  little  state,  that  men 
could  not  afford  to  bring  their  supplies,  where  they  were 
wanted,  to  the  dearest  market.  There  was,  therefore,  great 
poverty  and  suffering,  as  when  tight  cords  restrict  the  flow 
of  the  blood  to  the  limbs. 

Civilization  cuts  the  cord  and  gives  the  body  freedom 
to  act.  It  makes  the  turnpikes  and  bridges  free  for  all ;  it 
unites  the  little  states  into  great  nations ;  it  builds  great 
lines  of  railway.  In  the  United  States  there  is  perfect 
freedom  of  trade  among  all  the  States  and  Territories. 
"When,  therefore,  the  crops  fail  in  one  section,  suj^plies 
flow  freely  in  from  other  quarters  to  meet  the  demand. 
Famine,  the  scourge  of  ancient  times,  is  rendered  almost 
impossible.  The  farmer  in  Dakota,  with  his  great  wheat- 
fields,  is  brought  close  to  the  hungering  markets  of  New 
England.  This  is  because  every  one  in  the  nation  is  free 
to  buy  in  the  cheapest  market  and  to  sell  in  the  dearest. 

International  freedom  of  trade.  —  The  world  is  not  yet 
so  civilized  that  every  one  is  free  to  seek  the  cheapest 
market  abroad  as  well  as  at  home.  The  German  is  still 
forbidden  by  his  government  to  enjoy  the  cheaper  Ameri- 
can markets  in  buying  his  meat.  The  American  does  not 
yet  see  his  advantage  in  giving  himself  freedom  to  buy- 
goods  wherever  he  can  find  cheaper  markets  in  England, 
France,  or  Cuba.  Meanwhile  as  long  as  we  refuse  to  per- 
mit our  neighbors  in  other  countries  freedom  to  use  our 
markets,  we  must  expect  to  be  denied  the  freedom  to  sell 
our  goods  to  them.     Thus  if   we  lay  a  duty  or  tax  to 


BUYERS   AND   SELLERS.  24S 

restrict  merchants  from  buying  wool  in  South  America, 
we  shall  naturally  suffer  retaliation  from  the  South  Amer- 
ican Republics,  who  will  levy  taxes  on  the  products  which 
we  send  to  them.  Full  civilization,  on  the  contrary,  makes 
no  restrictions  on  freedom  of  trade,  and  inflicts  no  retali- 
ation. 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  believe  in  restrictive 
duties  maintain,  that  as  long  as  the  world  is  not  yet  civil- 
ized, our  nation  cannot  afford  quite  freely  to  carry  on  in- 
tercourse with  foreign  peoples,  who  have  different  laws, 
customs,  and  rates  of  wages,  and  often  lower  standards  of 
living. 

Freedom  in  trade;  what  harm  it  may  do.  —  While 
freedom  in  trade  works  out  good  on  the  whole,  it  some- 
times does  harm;  as  the  laws  which  work  well  for  the 
many,  may  do  injustice  to  individuals.  Thus  it  is  good 
for  the  nation  that  we  can  buy  corn  in  the  cheapest  mar- 
ket, which  is  in  the  West ;  but  this  is  hard  for  the  farmer 
in  Vermont,  who  cannot  raise  corn  so  cheaply.  It  is  good, 
on  the  whole,  that  the  Vermont  farmer  can  sell  his  eggs 
and  chickens  in  the  dearest  market,  which  is  Boston  or 
New  York,  but  this  makes  eggs  and  chickens  dearer  for 
the  people  in  Vermont ;  as  when  there  is  demand  in  the 
brain  for  nourishing  blood,  which  is  drawn  away  for  the 
time  from  the  extremities. 

The  two  sides.  —  Competition  in  trade  may  be  very  sel- 
fish and  cruel,  as  when  one  neighbor  outbids  another  or 
undersells  him,  on  purpose  to  get  rid  of  him  and  to  con- 
trol the  whole  business ;  or  when  a  great  firm  seeks  to 
crush  its  lesser  rivals.  So  in  case  of  a  great  snow-block- 
ade, cutting  off  a  city  from  its  supplies,  if  the  milkmen 
wring  extortionate  prices  from  the  needs  of  suffering  chil- 
dren. 


244  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

But  competition  or  freedom  of  ti-ade  need  not  be  selfish. 
As  a  class  of  boys  may  aim  each  to  get  the  most  perfect 
mark  of  excellence ;  so  every  man  who  sells,  if  he  be  hon- 
orable and  high-minded,  may  aim  at  furnishing  the  best 
quality  of  articles  on  the  most  favorable  terms  which  he 
can  afford ;  so  purchasers  may,  and  often  do,  scorn  to  exact 
unreasonable  advantage  from  the  necessities  of  the  seller. 
In  short,  there  is  no  need,  because  one  carries  on  business, 
to  forget  that  one  deals  with  men  like  oneself.  If  the 
laws,  then,  allow  meanness  and  extortion,  enlightened 
public  opinion,  not  to  speak  of  religion,  calls  for  humanity 
and  friendliness,  and  brands  with  shame  any  species  of 
competition  which  forgets  the  man  in  the  bargain. 

Pajring  one's  debts.  —  Men  are  debtors  and  creditors 
in  turn,  according  as  they  owe  money  to  others  or  others 
owe  them.  If,  now,  a  man's  debtors  put  off  payment  or  do 
not  pay  at  all,  there  will  be  difficulty  in  his  paying  his 
creditors  as  he  has  promised,  and  again  in  their  paying  to 
others.  As  the  failure  of  any  link  in  the  chain  weakens 
the  whole,  so  wherever  a  promise  is  broken  there  will  be 
suffering  and  loss.  If  many  do  not  pay,  money  will  be  hard 
to  obtain,  and  business  in  general  will  suffer;  whereas 
prompt  payment  by  one  gives  the  means  of  payment  along 
a  whole  line  of  men.  The  money  which  before  failed  to 
circulate,  moves  on  freely  and  makes  more  business,  as 
well  as  the  means  of  happiness,  every  time  it  is  promptly 
paid. 

Bankruptcy.  —  It  often  happens  that  merchants  and 
others  fail  to  pay  their  obligations.  No  one  then  will  trust 
them  longer,  and  they  have  to  stop  their  business.  This 
is  not  a  hardship  to  them  merely,  but  to  many  others  who 
depend  upon  them,  as  clerks  and  employees,  as  well  as 
those  who  have  lost  by  giving  them  credit.      Often  th« 


BUYERS   AND   SELLERS.  245 

greatest  suffering  falls  on  those  who  are  thus  turned  out 
of  employment. 

Bankruptcy  sometimes  happens  through  the  failure  of 
others  ;  but  it  occui-s  often  by  the  extravagance,  the  folly, 
the  unskilfuluess,  and  even  the  fraud  of  those  who  fail  in 
business. 

Bankruptcy  laws.  —  When  men  fail  to  pay  their  debts, 
there  are  often  many  creditors,  all  of  whom  ought  fairly 
to  share  in  the  assets  or  property  of  the  debtor.  It  may 
be  that  the  debtor  also,  if  the  creditors  will  agree  to  give 
him  time  to  settle  his  affairs,  will  contrive  to  pay  them 
more  than  if  they  seized  and  divided  his  property  at  once. 
It  may  be  fair,  too,  if  the  debtor  honestly  gives  up  all  that 
he  has,  for  his  creditors  to  release  him  from  further  pay- 
ment and  leave  him  free  to  go  on  in  business.  Bank- 
ruptcy laws,  therefore,  provide  through  the  proper  courts 
for  the  protection  of  the  interests  of  both  debtors  and 
creditors.  Whereas  once  a  debtor  could  be  cruelly  im- 
prisoned by  a  hard-hearted  creditor,  the  debtor  is  now 
given  a  fair  opportunity  to  retrieve  his  fortune. 

Sometimes  creditors  live  in  different  States.  •  A  national 
bankruptcy  law  is  therefore  needed,  in  order  that  the 
creditors  who  live  in  the  State  where  the  failure  took  place 
may  not  have  unjust  advantage  over  the  others. 

As  with  other  laws,  dishonorable  merchants  may  some- 
times use  the  bankruptcy  laws  to  wrong  their  creditors 
and  to  secure  a  release  for  themselves  without  giving  up 
their  property.  On  the  other  hand,  men  of  honor  can  and 
sometimes  do  more  than  the  law  requires,  and  after  being 
released  from  their  creditors,  insist,  as  soon  as  they  are 
able,  upon  paying  the  full  amount  of  their  debts. 


246  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XXXVI. 

EMPLOYERS    AND    THE    EMPLOYED:    THEIR    INTERESTS    IN 
EACH  OTHER. 

All  men  are  either  employ ei^s  of  labor  or  employees. 
Most  men  are  at  the  same  time  both  employee  and 
laborers. 

The  rights  of  employers ;  fidelity.  —  The  meaning 
of  fidelity  is  to  do  another's  work  as  well  as  possible,  or  as 
well  as  if  it  were  one's  own.  The  truth  is,  that  the  work- 
man sells  sometliing  —  namely,  his  work,  whether  of  his 
hands  or  his  brain ;  and,  like  every  tiling  else  sold,  it  ought 
to  be  of  standard  quality.  The  right  to  faithful  service 
is  not  lessened  if  the  employer  pays  insufficient  wages  or 
salary,  neither  is  the  service  merely  for  the  employer :  it 
is  for  the  whole  community,  which  is  poorer  for  every 
wasted  hour  or  blundering  piece  of  work.  The  man, 
also,  who  performs  unfaithful  service  becomes  degraded 
and  demoralized.  Fidelity  includes  honesty,  sobriety,  and 
punctuality.  Courtesy  is  also  due  to  the  employer,  and 
tends  to  make  permanent  and  friendly  relations  with 
him. 

The  rights  of  employees  ;  wages  or  salary.  —  Who- 
ever sells  his  work  or  skill,  is  entitled  to  its  fair  price 
as  truly  as  if  it  were  corn  or  cloth.  Fair  pay  is  not 
only  a  righteous  amount,  but  also  punctuality  in  payment. 
Fair  pay  has  reference  to  the  hours  of  work  and  to  the 
amount  of  vacation  or  holiday  time  given. 


EMPLOYERS  AND  EMPLOYED.  247 

Respect.  —  The  employer  has  not  discharged  his  duty 
ill  paying  a  laborer;  he  owes  him  also  courtesy  and  friendly 
respect  as  a  man. 

Honest  management.  —  The  employee  is  not  only  en- 
titled to  fair  wages,  but  a  wrong  is  done  him  by  dishonest 
and  speculative  management  of  business,  which  results  in 
failure  and  bankruptcy.  He  is  in  a  certain  sense  a  partner 
with  his  employer,  and  his  interests  ought  not  to  be  risked. 

The  labor  market.  —  In  one  view,  labor,  like  every- 
thing valuable,  is  subject  to  the  law  of  supply  and  demand. 
The  men  who  have  their  labor  to  sell  will  bring  it  to  the 
dearest  market;  that  is,  wherever  labor  is  most  needed. 
It  will  there  get  the  best  pay.  On  the  other  hand,  those 
who  wish  to  hire  labor  will  go  to  the  cheapest  market; 
that  is,  wherever  labor  is  plentiful.  Thus  if  a  company 
wish  to  build  a  factory,  they  will  consider  where  they  can 
get  workmen  to  the  best  advantage.  They  could  not  build 
their  factory  in  Oregon  so  well  as  in  Massachusetts,  because 
the  latter  State  is  a  more  abundant  market  for  labor.  Mean- 
while, wherever  they  build  their  factory,  workmen  will 
flock  there.  It  is  thus  of  advantage  to  both  employers  and 
the  employed  to  buy  labor  in  the  cheapest  market  and  to 
sell  it  in  the  dearest.  On  the  whole,  work  is  thus  distrib- 
uted where  it  is  most  needed  and  where  the  best  pay  can 
be  given  it.  If  any  considerable  number  of  workmen  are 
getting  small  wages,  a  free  opportunity  is  afforded  to  get 
better  wages  wherever  a  larger  demand  is  made  for  their 
help. 

A  difficulty ;  the  human  element.  —  Labor  is  not 
simply  valuable  as  a  commodity.  It  is  human  also.  When 
corn  is  plenty,  or  inferior  in  quality,  it  is  no  great  hard- 
ship if  it  brings  a  low  price,  or  does  not  sell  at  all.  But 
the  workman  must  live ;  he  may  have  a  family  dependent 


248  THE   AMERICAN   CltlZEN. 

upon  him ;  even  if  he  is  an  inferior  workman,  he  must  still 
be  housed  and  fed  as  a  man.  Neither  can  the  laborer  be 
easily  transported,  like  corn  or  commodities,  wherever  the 
demand  and  the  pay  are  greater.  Many  circumstances 
may  render  it  costly  or  even  impossible  for  him  to  move 
to  a  place  where  his  labor  will  be  in  more  demand. 

Low  wages ;  the  limit  of  decency.  —  While  at  times 
the  number  of  workmen  may  be  far  greater  than  the 
demand,  there  is  a  limit  below  which  it  is  not  the  custom 
to  let  wages  fall.  This  limit  is  fixed  by  men's  considera- 
tions of  humanity.  The  more  high-minded  employers  are, 
and  the  stronger  is  public  opinion,  the  higher  is  this  limit 
of  wages  to  which  a  man's  work  is  entitled,  on  the  ground 
that  he  is  a  man. 

Employees  who  cannot  help  themselves.  —  In  years 
of  good  harvests  and  prosperity  there  is  more  money  to 
spend,  and  there  will  be  employment  in  all  industries  for 
men  able  and  willing  to  work.  But  bad  years  also  come 
when  there  is  less  to  divide  and  to  spend,  and  therefore 
less  work  is  called  for.  The  inferior  or  unskilled  work- 
men are  the  first  to  suffer  for  want  of  employment.  More- 
over, the  conditions  of  civilized  life  require  costly  tools 
and  machinery:  no  man  can  easily  work  alone,  as  the 
savage  can,  but  the  civilized  man  needs  the  co-operation 
of  others.  One  cannot  even  till  the  soil  without  assist- 
ance or  capital.  Although  the  law  of  supply  and  demand 
works  after  a  while  to  correct  disorders  of  industry,  and 
to  set  men  again  to  work  where  they  will  be  needed,  this 
law  has  often  to  be  supplemented  by  sympathy  and  human- 
ity to  prevent  the  innocent  from  suffering.  For  the  whole 
body  of  the  community  is  bound  up  with  the  welfare  and 
prosperity,  or  the  loss  and  misery  of  any  portion.  If  indi- 
viduals, then,  cannot  provide  employment  for  their  neigh- 


EMPLOYERS  AND  EMPLOYED.  249 

bors  who  wish  to  find  work,  it  may  sometimes  be  the  duty 
of  the  state  or  the  city  to  provide  public  works,  such  as 
the  building  of  streets  and  other  improvements.  Better 
education  will  also  train  a  larger  proportion  of  the  chil- 
dren to  such  skill  and  faithfulness  as  may  find  permanent 
emploj^ment. 

Employers  who  cannot  help  themselves.  —  We  have 
seen  that  the  number  of  workmen  may  sometimes  be 
greater  than  can  be  employed  at  all;  or  business  may  be  dull 
and  unremunerative ;  or  certain  factories  may  have  greater 
expenses  in  rent  and  interest  than  others,  and  so  cannot 
afford  to  pay  sufiicient  wages  to  go  on  making  their  goods. 
In  general,  unless  the  employers  are  successful  and  can 
accumulate  capital,  they  cannot  weather  the  storms  which 
will  sometimes  occur  in  the  financial  and  industrial  world. 
The  poorly  managed  shops  and  factories  are  often,  there- 
fore, obliged  to  stop  altogether.  This  is  not  because  the 
employers  are  unwilling  to  help  their  workmen,  but  because 
they  are  themselves  unfortunate. 

Industrial  warfare;  strikes  and  lockouts.  —  It  will 
happen  sometimes  that  employers  and  employees  disagree 
and  quarrel.  It  may  be  by  reason  of  misunderstanding,  or 
for  actual  fault  on  one  side  or  the  other.  In  some  cases  the 
men  agree  to  quit  work  until  their  demands  are  granted. 
This  is  called  a  strike.  Like  war,  it  means  loss  of  time 
and  money  on  both  sides,  and  often  great  suffering  to  the 
workmen's  families.  Like  war,  it  ought  to  be  justified,  if 
at  all,  only  by  urgent  necessity.  It  might  also,  like  war, 
almost  always  be  prevented. 

The  employers  may  make  war  upon  their  workmen  by 
shutting  down  their  works  and  stopping  wages  till  the  men 
accede  to  their  wishes.  This  is  called  a  lockout.  As  in 
war,  the  evil  is  not  merely  at  the  time,  but  in  the  loss  of 
good  feeling  afterwards. 


250  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Trades-unions.  —  The  printers  or  the  telegraph  opera- 
toi-s,  by  union  among  themselves,  may  make  a  monopoly 
of  their  skill,  and  for  the  time  set  their  own  terms  for 
their  labor ;  exactly  as  rich  men  who  own  a  railroad,  or 
who  buy  up  cotton  or  wheat,  make  a  monopoly.  The 
Union  may  also  attempt  to  limit  the  number  of  workmen, 
to  forbid  the  employment  of  non-union  men,  or  to  demand 
the  same  pay  for  unskilled  as  for  skilled  workmen ;  as  the 
monopolists  of  coffee  or  salt  try  to  interfere  with  the  law 
of  supply  and  demand. 

The  good  of  Trades-unions.  —  On  the  other  hand,  the 
trades-unions  are  often  friendly  and  benefit  societies,  and 
may  use  their  influence  to  raise  the  standard  of  skill  and 
intelligence  among  their  men.  As  with  all  societies,  the 
membership  is  of  a  higher  character  when  members  are  free 
to  join  it  or  to  stay  outside,  than  when  they  are  brought 
in  by  any  kind  of  compulsion ;  as  an  army  composed  of 
volunteers  is  more  efficient  than  an  army  raised  by  con- 
scription. 

Arbitration.  —  It  is  impossible  for  individuals  or  major- 
ities, whether  in  a  trade  or  in  the  state,  permanently  to  fix 
prices  or  wages*  As  a  rule,  it  is  unwise,  as  well  as  unjust, 
to  try  to  prevent  the  free  and  natural  relations  of  em- 
ployers and  employees.  For  the  industrial  machinery  of 
the  world  is  very  complicated  and  delicate,  so  that  med- 
dling with  it  at  one  point  may  disarrange  it  somewhere 
else.  It  sometimes  happens,  however,  that  difficulties  and 
questions  arise  between  employers  and  their  men,  in  which 
impartial  advice  may  remedy  misunderstanding  or  injustice 
on  one  side  or  the  other.  This  is  called  arbitration.  So 
far  as  employers  are  fair,  and  their  employees  are  intelli- 
gent, arbitration  may  be  expected  to  save  the  waste  and 
ill-feeling  of  the  more  barbarous  and  violent  methods  of 


EMPLOYERS   AND   EMPLOYED.  251 

strikes  and  lockouts.  For  the  quarrels  of  men,  like  the 
quarrels  of  boys  in  their  games,  would  mostly  be  averted 
by  yielding  to  the  decision  of  a  wise  and  friendly  umpire. 

The  interests  of  employers  and  the  employed  together. 
—  It  is  obvious  that  the  interest  of  the  employer  is  in  the 
most  faithful,  intelligent,  and  willing  workmanship.  The 
best  workmen,  even  when  they  must  be  paid  high  wages, 
are  the  most  economical,  as  goods  of  standard  quality  are 
cheaper  in  the  end  than  inferior  goods.  The  employer, 
therefore,  with  skilled  and  willing  men,  may  easily  afford 
to  pay  the  best  wages  and  yet  produce  goods  which  will 
sell  at  a  profit. 

The  success  of  the  employer  is  equally  for  the  interest 
of  the  workmen.  His  success  means  permanence  in  work, 
whereas  the  less  successful  shop  will  often  have  to  be 
closed.  His  success  means  also  the  ability  to  pay  better 
wages,  and  to  continue  to  pay  them  through  dull  seasons. 
For  the  successful  employer  will  have  a  large  capital  and 
credit,  and  will  be  able  to  keep  his  men  employed  even  at 
times  when  he  makes  no  profits  himself. 

Co-operation  and  profit-sharing.  —  Enterprises  have 
often  been  undertaken  in  which  all  who  have  part  in  the 
work  share  in  the  profits ;  as,  for  instance,  in  the  fisheries 
and  in  certain  factories,  —  notably  in  the  case  of  the  Maison 
Leclaire  in  Paris.  It  is  found  that  men,  if  made  partners 
in  a  business,  take  a  personal  interest  in  it,  work  better, 
and  accomplish  more.  This  is  especially  the  case  in  work 
requiring  skill.  The  advantage  is  not  merely  in  the  fact 
that  the  workmen  hope  to  receive  better  pay,  but  that  by 
this  method  employers  signify  that  they  mean  to  deal  fairly 
with  their  workmen. 

All  kinds  of  business,  however,  are  really  co-operative, 
whether  called  so  or  not.     For  the  payment  of  regular 


252  THE   AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

salaries  and  wages  (which  are  apt  to  rise  in  good  times, 
and  fall  in  poor  times)  is  simply  a  method  of  sharing  the 
profits  of  business  with  all  those  who  are  concerned  in 
carrying  it  on.  On  the  whole,  a  man's  share  depends  upon 
how  useful  or  necessary  he  is.  Moreover,  many  great  cor- 
porations, like  the  Pennsylvania  Railroad,  advance  their 
wages  according  to  the  length  of  faithful  service,  or  give 
pensions  to  aged  workmen.  It  is  also  possible  for  em- 
ployees to  invest  their  savings  in  the  shares  of  the  com- 
pany for  which  they  work,  unless  they  can  do  better  by 
some  other  form  of  investment.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
fair  for  those  who  expect  to  share  the  profits  of  their  work, 
to  be  willing  also  to  meet  the  chances  of  loss. 

Men  who  have  been  the  employees  of  others,  like  the 
coopers  of  Minneapolis,  sometimes  combine,  and  establish 
a  business  or  an  industry  of  their  own.  The  new  enter- 
prise, like  any  other  corporation,  is  then  subject  to  the 
usual  conditions  of  success;  namely,  the  energy,  prudence, 
and  honesty  of  its  managers. 

Women's  work  and  wages.  —  We  have  seen  that  wages 
follow  the  law  of  supply  and  demand;  although,  when 
they  become  very  low,  humanity  interposes,  and  forbids 
paying  less.  As  a  rule,  this  limit  to  which  wages  fall  is 
lower  for  women  than  for  men.  This  is  partly  because  of 
the  survival  of  barbarous  ideas  as  to  the  worth  of  women. 
It  is  partly  because  there  are  fewer  employments  open  to 
women's  strength,  while  the  number  of  women  seeking 
work  constantly  increases.  Many  women  who  live  at 
home  are  glad  to  earn  a  little  money  at  very  low  wages, 
lower  often  than  they  could  afford  if  they  had  to  support 
themselves  wholly.  But  the  employers  who  can  find  will- 
ing hands  at  fifty  cents  a  day  cannot  easily  afford  to  pay 
more  to  other  women,  no  more  skilful,  who  need  a  dollar 
a  day. 


EMPLOYERS  AND  EMPLOYED.  253 

Moreover,  the  wages  of  women  are  allowed  by  common 
custom  to  be  lower  than  in  the  case  of  men,  even  for  the 
same  work,  because  it  is  considered  that  a  man  must  have 
enough  to  support  a  family,  while  a  woman  more  often 
has  only  herself  to  support.  This  custom  frequently  works 
great  hardship,  but  it  holds  largely  for  the  sake  of  the  wives 
and  mothers  whom  the  men  ought  to  support.  Men's  work, 
as  a  rule,  is  also  for  life ;  whereas  working  women  are  apt 
to  marry,  in  which  case  their  work  changes  to  meet  the 
calls  of  domestic  life. 

The  commonwealth  of  labor. — The  best  commonwealth 
which  we  can  think  of  would  be  where  every  one  started 
with  a  suitable  education  and  a  fair  chance  to  rise  to  the 
place  for  which  he  was  fitted,  —  where  all  had  an  opportu- 
nity to  work  according  to  the  strength  and  skill  of  each ; 
where  every  one  had  a  living  according  to  the  worth  of  his 
services ;  and  where  no  one  could  squander  the  fruits  of 
other  men's  labors.  It  would  be  a  commonwealth  where 
men  saw  the  interests  of  each  in  the  interest  of  all ;  where 
all  men  worked  side  by  side  as  joint  partners  ;  where  each 
endeavored  to  add  as  much  as  possible  to  the  sum  of  human 
advantage ;  and  where  friendliness  as  of  men,  not  the  sus- 
picion or  jealousy  of  brutes,  was  the  prevailing  spirit  of 
their  work.  So  far  as  individuals  carry  on  work,  as  they 
would  wish  every  one  else  to  do,  they  help  to  bring  about 
this  commonwealth. 


PART   FOURTH. 

SOCIAL  RIGHTS  AND  DUTIES;    OR,  THE  DUTIES 

OF  MEN  AS  THEY  LIVE   TOGETHER 

IN  SOCIETY. 


PART    FOURTH. 

SOCIAL   EIGHTS  AND  DUTIES;    OR,  THE  DUTIES 

OF  MEN  AS    THEY  LIVE   TOGETHER 

IN  SOCIETY. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

THE  RIGHTS   AND   DUTIES   OF  NEIGHBORS. 

We  have  already  seen  that  even  in  making  money  and 
bargains  it  does  not  work  to  treat  men  as  machines  or  as 
rivals ;  but  as  the  famous  Roman  emperor  said,  "  We 
are  made  for  co-operation,  like  feet,  like  hands,  like  eye- 
lids." We  have  also  seen  with  what  good  temper  we 
must  work  together  as  fellow-citizens  in  order  to  secure 
an  orderly  and  prosperous  state.  On  many  sides  of  our 
lives  we  meet  men  in  society  simply  as  neighbors. 

The  growth  of  the  neighborly  feeling.  —  The  old  idea 
used  to  be  that  members  of  the  same  tribe,  caste,  or  class 
were  bound  to  help  each  other.  Thus  Romans  should 
help  Romans,  and  Brahmins  should  help  the  poorer  Brah- 
mins, and  noblemen  should  stand  by  each  other;  but 
Romans  need  not  help  Greeks,  nor  nobles  spend  their 
money  in  aiding  peasants.  Jesus  taught  that  every  one  is 
our  neighbor ;  but  this  teaching  has  never  been  very  much 
believed  till  lately.     It  is  now  coming  to  be  the  creed  of 

?67 


258  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

the  world  that  we  ought  to  treat  all  men,  of  every  race 
and  condition,  as  neighbors. 

The  neighborly  feeling  has  its  rise  in  the  family.  We 
easily  know  how  we  ought  to  treat  our  elders,  our  guests, 
our  brothers  and  sisters.  We  learn  what  our  duties  are 
towards  the  younger  members  of  the  family,  towards  the 
feeble,  the  sick,  or  the  dependent.  The  village  is  a  greater 
family ;  so  is  the  state.  In  a  large  way  all  mankind  make 
a  family  together.  The  same  rules  and  the  good  temper 
that  show  us  what  to  do  in  the  home  show  us  also  how  to 
live  together  whenever  we  meet  men. 

Our  rights.  —  We  have  a  right  to  respect  and  courtesy 
from  others  as  befits  men.  We  have  a  right  to  be  con- 
sidered for  what  we  are  really  worth.  This  right  holds 
good  whatever  dress  we  wear,  or  however  humble  a  station 
we  occupy.  As  the  poet  Burns  says,  "A  man  is  a  man 
for  a'  that."    . 

We  have  a  right,  unless  we  have  thrown  it  away  by  mis- 
conduct, to  be  treated  as  honest,  to  be  trusted  and  not 
suspected. 

Privacy.  —  We  have  a  right  to  our  privacy.  There  are 
many  personal  matters  which  only  concern  ourselves  or 
our  most  intimate  friends.  It  is  not  well  for  us,  neither 
is  it  desirable  for  others,  that  our  private  affairs  should  be 
made  the  subject  of  gossip  or  published  in  the  newspapers. 
We  have  a  right,  therefore,  to  keep  these  things  to  our- 
selves, and  not  to  be  intruded  upon  by  idle  curiosity.  As 
"  every  man's  house  is  his  castle,"  so  every  man's  private 
life,  his  plans,  thoughts,  and  feelings,  his  personal  corre- 
spondence, and  his  conversation  with  his  friends,  ought  to 
be  sacred  from  publicity. 

With  most  of  these  humane  rights,  however,  we  have 
no  power  to  compel  or  enforce  them,  unless  they  are  freely 


THE   RIGHTS   AND   DUTIES   OF  NEIGHBORS.  269 

given  to  us.  They  are  not  like  legal  rights,  such  as  the 
right  to  our  liberty  or  to  our  property,  for  maintaining 
which  we  may  need  to  ask  the  assistance  of  the  govern- 
ment. Neither  would  they  be  of  any  use  to  us  if  we  had 
to  quarrel  or  go  to  law  to  obtain  them ;  for  respect  unwil- 
lingly shown  would  not  be  sincere,  and  our  private  affairs 
would  become  public  as  soon  as  we  carried  them  into  court. 

We  have  no  right,  on  account  of  pride  of  family  or  of 
education,  to  claim  peculiar  respect,  as  though  we  were  of 
finer  clay  than  other  men.  We  must  expect  others  to  take 
us,  not  at  our  own  value,  but  at  their  estimate  of  us. 

We  have  no  right  to  any  one's  intimacy  or  to  be  taken 
into  another's  confidence,  or  to  be  asked  to  visit  him.  We 
have  no  right  to  insist  upon  being  taken  into  the  employ 
of  another. 

We  have  no  right  to  demand  assistance  from  our  neigh- 
bors. If  we  have  a  right  to  live,  we  have  no  right  to  force 
others  to  help  us  to  live. 

Our  neighborly  rights  are  only  such  as  others  will  freely 
allow  us.  For  it  destroys  neighborly  feeling  to  insist  upon 
our  rights. 

Neighborly  duties.  —  We  have,  in  most  respects,  to 
trust  others  to  give  us  our  rights.  Our  main  business  is 
with  our  duties. 

The  duty  of  just  judgment.  —  As  we  meet  in  business, 
elect  men  to  office,  or  choose  our  friends,  we  have  con- 
stantly to  pass  judgment  for  or  against  each  other.  The 
risk  is  that  we  shall  judge  carelessly,  that  we  shall  make 
up  our  minds  hastily  or  on  worthless  evidence,  and  shall 
therefore  do  our  neighbors  injustice.  We  owe  it,  there- 
fore, to  every  man,  as  we  would  wish  to  be  treated  our- 
selves, to  take  care  to  value  him  for  what  he  is  really 
worth.  We  ought  to  err  on  the  side  of  overvaluing  rather 
than  undervaluing  others. 


260  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

Especially  when  we  publish  our  judgments  and  opinions 
or  tell  them  to  others.  We  owe  it  to  men  not  to  report  mere 
suspicions  to  injure  their  reputation  or  credit.  If  we  must 
ever  speak  evil,  we  must  know  and  not  guess. 

Respect  as  a  humane  duty.  —  We  are  bound  as  neigh- 
bors to  give  each  other  respect ;  by  which  we  mean  not 
only  courteous  behavior,  but  respectful  feeling.  This 
respect  is  based  on  the  fact  that  every  man  has  the  same 
human  qualities  which  we  have.  If,  then,  we  slight  or 
despise  the  common  human  nature,  we  both  hurt  others 
and  cheapen  ourselves.  Moreover,  men  show  their  noble 
qualities  —  courage,  fairness,  generosity  —  to  those  who 
treat  them  well  and  expect  their  best.  This  is  true  of  the 
horses  and  cattle,  which  do  their  best  for  the  mastei-s  who 
treat  them  most  kindly. 

Sympathy.  —  Sympathy  means  that  we  are  glad  to  see 
others  happy,  and  sorry  to  see  them  in  pain  ;  that  we  are 
glad  to  hear  good  of  them,  and  sorry  to  hear  evil.  Sym- 
pathy is  easy  inside  our  own  family  or  our  set  of  friends. 
The  good  of  one  is  evidently  the  good  of  all ;  the  hurt  of 
one  hurts  all.  This  is  true,  although  it  is  not  so  evident, 
outside  our  own  set  or  family.  The  good  of  every  Ameri- 
can is  the  good  of  all ;  the  loss  or  hurt  of  one  is  the  loss 
or  hurt  of  the  whole  people.  As  when  any  little  wheel  of 
the  machinery  of  a  great  mill  is  injured,  the  mill  cannot 
turn  out  so  much  work. 

Forbearance.  —  Forbearance  means  that  we  do  not 
condemn  our  neighbor  till  we  know  the  circumstances 
against  which  he  has  to  struggle.  He  may  be  ill,  he  may 
be  misinformed,  for  no  fault  of  his  own  he  may  be 
incapable.  We  are  bound,  therefore,  to  be  patient  with 
him,  as  we  wish  others  at  times  to  be  patient  with  us. 
Even  when  another  does  us  injury,  we  have  no  right,  like 


THE  RIGHTS   AND   DUTIES   OF   NEIGHBORS.  261 

an  ignorant  savage,  to  wish  him  evil.  For  that  would  be 
to  wish  evil  to  the  whole  family,  or  to  the  community. 

Assistance.  —  If  our  neighbor's  wagon  has  broken 
down,  if  his  boat  has  capsized,  if  his  house  is  on  fire,  we 
owe  him  the  same  help  which  we  should  need  if  we  were 
in  his  place.  If  one  whom  we  have  never  seen  needs  help, 
we  owe  the  same  common  humanity.  Even  a  dog  has 
been  known  to  jump  into  the  water  or  plunge  through 
snowdrifts  to  save  a  stranger. 

Different  grades  of  neighborly  duty.  —  Our  neigh- 
borly duties  are  of  different  grades  of  importance.  Thus 
we  are  naturally  responsible  for  the  care  of  our  own  family 
and  relatives.  We  owe  more  to  our  friends  than  to  stran- 
gers, to  those  who  are  near  than  to  the  distant,  to  our 
workmen  or  employers  than  to  others,  to  our  townspeople 
than  to  another  town,  to  our  countrymen  than  to  for- 
eigners. The  closer  bonds  make  greater  obligations.  We 
also  know  better  those  who  are  near  us,  and  can  treat 
them  more  intelligently.  Thus  if  a  brother  or  a  towns- 
man was  in  trouble,  we  should  choose  to  have  the  first 
chance  to  assist  him.  So  when  the  great  flood  destroyed 
Johnstown,  every  one  was  glad  to  help,  but  the  first  duty 
was  upon  the  people  of  Pennsylvania. 

This  rule,  however,  has  its  exceptions.  A  guest  or  a 
stranger  or  a  foreigner  might  for  a  little  while  need  more 
attention  or  help  than  a  friend  or  relative.  He  might  also 
happen  %o  deserve  more  on  account  of  his  character  or 
services,  as  when  a  distinguished  man  visits  this  country 
from  abroad. 

What  we  do  not  owe  to  neighbors.  —  We  owe  kindly 
feeling  to  every  one,  but  we  do  not  owe  every  one  a  place 
among  our  intimate  friends.  For  no  one  can  have  many 
intimate  friends. 


262  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Neither  do  we  owe  help  which  would  have  to  be  given 
dt  the  expense  of  another.  Thus  it  would  be  robbery  to 
give  an  employer's  money  to  relieve  distress,  as  truly  as 
to  use  the  money  for  our  own  pleasure. 

The  difficulty  in  treating  men  as  neighbors.  —  If  all 
men  were  equal  in  intelligence,  power,  and  goodness,  there 
would  be  no  special  difficulty  in  treating  them  as  our 
neighbors.  We  have  seen,  however,  that  there  are  all 
sorts  of  inequalities.  The  actual  difference  between  a 
savage  and  a  great  statesman,  poet,  or  philosopher,  is  as 
great  as  used  to  be  thought  to  exist  between  a  slave  and 
an  emperor.  The  difference  between  men  in  moral  char- 
acter is  equally  great.  We  cannot,  therefore,  truthfully 
treat  all  men  in  exactly  the  same  way,  or  give  all  equal 
respect  or  sympathy,  since  there  is  much  more  to  love  and 
honor  in  some  men  than  in  others.  Indeed,  it  would  be 
very  unfair  if  we  treated  idle,  ignorant,  or  vicious  people 
with  the  same  respect  which  we  show  to  the  industrious, 
intelligent,  and  virtuous. 

The  social  aim.  —  We  found  that,  so  far  as  the  duties 
of  wealth  are  concerned,  the  aim  of  men  was  to  produce 
more  wealth,  and  that  the  great  law  which  guided  them 
was  justice.  The  aim  of  men,  as  they  live  in  societ}',  is 
happiness,  and  the  great  rule  is  benevolence. 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  CRIME.  263 


CHAPTER   XXXVIII. 

THE  TREATMENT   OF  CRIME. 

The  dangerous  class.  —  There  are  thousands  of  people 
in  our  country  who  are  confined  in  jails  and  prisons  on  ac- 
count of  their  crimes.  There  are  many  more  at  large  who 
are  regarded  with  suspicion  as  dangerous.  Many  children, 
also,  either  by  inheritance  or  unfortunate  circumstances, 
belong  to  this  class.  It  is  sometimes  called  the  dangerous 
class.  We  learned  in  our  study  of  the  duties  of  citizen- 
ship that  the  government  was  bound  to  protect  its  citizens 
from  this  class. 

Who  are  criminals.  —  Whoever  is  willing  to  injure  his 
neighbors  or  the  welfare  of  society  is  so  far  a  criminal. 
There  are  many  ways  of  injuring  others.  Besides  those 
who  rob  and  do  violence,  those  may  also  as  seriously  injure 
society  who  get  money  by  fraud,  or  by  bad  kinds  of  busi- 
ness, or  who  pursue  a  vicious  or  idle  course ;  as  the  body 
is  not  only  hurt  by  cruel  blows,  but  sometimes  even  more 
by  wasting  and  insidious  disease.  Some  of  the  worst 
offenders  may  not,  therefore,  be  touched  by  the  laws. 
Thus  a  mayor  or  senator  who  bargained  for  men's  votes 
might  do  more  harm  than  a  burglar  who  broke  into  a 
house.  Or,  if  a  rich  man  led  an  impure  life,  he  might 
hurt  the  community  —  like  a  poison  —  as  much  as  one  who 
passed  counterfeit  money. 

Our  duties  to  criminals. — When  people  have  been   , 
shut  up  in  prison  they  do  not  cease  to  be  our  neighbors,  j 


264  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

and  we  still  have  duties  towards  them.  It  is  for  their 
good  as  well  as  our  own  that  we  confine  them,  as  we  would 
wish  ourselves  to  be  prevented  from  doing  injury.  Idle- 
ness ruins  men ;  it  is  our  duty,  therefore,  to  furnish  them 
employment  in  prison.  Many  criminals  have  no  education 
or  trade :  it  is  our  duty  to  teach  them  how  to  earn  an 
honest  living  ;  it  is  our  duty  to  give  them  a  fair  chance  to 
recover,  if  they  can,  a  respectable  place  in  society.  If 
they  cannot  or  will  not  behave  themselves  out  of  confine- 
ment, it  is  equally  our  duty,  for  their  sake  as  well  as  our 
own,  to  keep  them  confined^  on  exactly  the  same  principle 
as  we  confine  madmen.  For  no  one  who  has  shown  him- 
self dangerous  to  society  has  any  right  to  be  at  large. 

Punishment.  —  The  ancient  idea  of  punishment  was 
revenge  or  retaliation.  It  was  thought  that  the  wrong- 
doer ought  to  suffer  enough  to  offset  the  harm  he  had 
done.  The  law  once  was  "an  eye  for  an  eye."  The 
modern  idea  of  punishment  is  to  prevent  more  harm  being 
done.  It  is  partly  for  the  sake  of  society,  to  remove  dan- 
gerous persons,  to  warn  the  thoughtless  against  doing 
wrong,  and  specially,  if  possible,  to  deter  evil  doers  through 
their  fears ;  it  is  also  designed  to  cure  the  criminal  and 
persuade  him  to  become  useful.  Thus  no  punishment  is 
good  for  society  which  tends  to  make  men  worse.  The 
purpose  of  punishment  is  exactly  the  same  as  in  a  well- 
ordered  home. 

Modes  of  punishment.  —  The  modes  of  punishment 
used  to  be  intended  to  cause  pain,  and  were  often  terribly 
cruel,  like  the  rack,  the  thumb-screw,  and  stoning  to  death. 
They  were  inflicted  also  for  numerous  small  offences,  such 
as  ignorant  or  feeble-minded  people  might  commit.  These 
painful  modes  of  punishment  hurt  and  brutalized  every  one 
who  witnessed  them.  Thej'  never  made  any  one  better ; 
neither  did  they  prevent  crime. 


THE  TREATMENT   OF   CRIME.  265 

These  cruel  modes  of  punishment  have  been  largely- 
given  up  in  the  United  States.  We  punish  criminals  by 
fines  or  payments  of  money,  by  imprisonment  for  longer 
or  shorter  terms,  and  in  some  States,  for  the  crime  of  mur- 
der, by  the  death  penalty. 

Fines.  —  If  one  has  caused  the  State  loss  or  cost,  it  is 
fair  that  he  should  be  obliged  to  make  the  loss  good  by  a 
payment  of  money.  For  many  slight  offences  or  for  negli- 
gence, as  when  a  citizen  leaves  ice  upon  his  sidewalk,  a 
fine  is  a  good  way  to  remind  him  not  to  offend  again. 
But  fines  which  are  a  slight  burden  to  the  rich  are  often  a 
severe  penalty  to  the  poor,  who  are  perhaps  obliged  to  go 
to  jail  for  want  of  the  money  to  pay.  They  lose  work, 
their  families  suffer,  the  cost  of  keeping  them  in  jail  has 
to  be  borne  by  the  State,  and  no  one  is  better  in  the  end. 

Imprisonment.  —  There  are  certain  bad,  worthless,  or 
desperate  men  who  doubtless  ought  to  be  shut  altogether 
away  from  human  society,  as  we  separate  a  case  of  small- 
pox. There  must  be  jails  or  prisons  for  such  dangerous 
characters.  There  are  also  those  who  are  so  hot-tempered, 
and  have  so  little  self-control,  that  they  need  for  a  time  to 
be  deprived  of  their  liberty,  till  they  have  shown  that  they 
can  be  trusted  to  be  at  large  again. 

It  is  a  grave  question,  however,  whether  our  laws  do  not 
work  more  harm  than  good  through  our  use  of  jails  and  pris- 
ons. It  is  as  if  we  sent  cases  of  measles,  scarlet  fever,  and 
small-pox  all  to  the  same  hospital  and  treated  them  alike. 
So  when  young  persons  who  have  never  offended  before, 
or  when  poor  men  who  have  been  sent  to  jail  for  want  of 
money  to  pay  a  fine,  are  herded  together  with  dangerous 
criminals.  Many  are  sent  to  jail  wlio  do  not  need  the 
stone  cells  and  the  thick  walls,  which  are  only  good  for 
guarding  the  few  dangerous  criminals.  A  bad  and  dis- 
graceful name  is  also  given,  often  very  unjustly,  to  those 


266  THE  AlVlEKlCAlf  CITIZEN. 

who  have  been  sent  to  a  jail,  as  men  fear  the  taint  of  a 
malignant  fever.  It  is  harder  for  men  to  get  employment 
after  they  have  been  in  jail,  and  they  are  likely  to  have 
made  bad  associates.  It  is  a  terrible  thing,  therefore,  to 
expose  any  one  to  the  penalty  of  imprisonment,  unless  it 
proves  to  be  necessary.  Moreover,  it  is  very  expensive  to 
shut  thousands  of  itien  and  women  in  prison,  and  we  ought 
to  be  sure  that  the  imprisonment  does  good  enough  to 
warrant  the  cost. 

The  death  penalty.  —  The  savage  law  has  always  been 
"a  life  for  a  life."  The  death  penalty  is  the  survival  of 
the  old  custom.  In  many  States  this  penalty  has  been 
changed  to  imprisonment  for  life.  The  fact  is  that  the 
death  penalty  has  never  prevented  bad  or  hot-tempered 
men  from  committing  murder,  neither  has  it  made  careless 
men  feel  the  sacredness  of  human  life.  Moreover,  few 
persons  would  be  willing  to  inflict  the  death  penalty  upon 
another.  It  is  not  well  to  require  a  sheriff  or  officer  to 
do  that  which  conscientious  citizens  would  be  unwilling 
themselves  to  do. 

The  rights  of  vrrong-doers.  —  Every  man  has  the  right 
to  be  treated  as  innocent  until  his  guilt  is  proved.  If 
found  guilty,  he  has  a  right  not  to  be  thought  worse  than 
he  really  is.  If  he  has  done  wrong  in  one  point,  it  does  not 
follow  that  he  is  altogether  bad.  In  fact,  a  criminal  keeps 
all  his  rights,  except  such  as  he  has  distinctly  forfeited  by 
his  offence.  He  still  has  the  right  to  be  treated  as  a  man. 
But  he  may  have  thrown  away  the  right  to  be  believed,  or 
to  be  trusted,  or  to  his  freedom,  or  to  his  franchise  as  a 
citizen.  What  right  he  has  thrown  away  depends  upon 
the  nature  of  his  offence.  He  may  not  deserve  to  be 
trusted  or  believed,  but  he  may  not  have  wholly  sacrificed 
the  right  to  his  liberty.     Another  may  be  honest  or  truth- 


THE  TREATMENT  OF  CRIME.  267 

ful,  but  SO  violent  or  bad-tempered  as  to  have  lost  his 
right  to  liberty.  Another  may  be  safe  and  decent  while 
he  is  kept  out  of  the  way  of  intoxicating  drink,  but  very 
dangerous  where  drink  is  accessible. 

Even  the  right  to  life  may  be  forfeited  in  case  a  bad  life 
threatens  the  welfare  of  society.  Thus  if  there  were  no 
prisons  to  confine  dangerous  persons,  it  might  be  neces- 
sary, as  in  the  army,  to  sacrifice  the  life  of  murderous 
men,  since  society  must  somehow  protect  the  weaker  and 
innocent  from  the  violence  of  bad  men,  precisely  as  it 
would  defend  them  from  ferocious  animals.  Indeed,  one 
should  much  prefer  to  die  than  to  be  allowed  to  destroy 
society.  If,  then,  we  deem  it  best,  on  the  whole,  to  give 
up  the  death  penalty,  it  is  not  because  desperate  men, 
such  as  train-wreckers  or  incendiaries,  have  any  longer  a 
right  to  live. 

What  we  ought  to  do.  —  We  ought  to  give  every 
offender  a  prompt  and  speedy  trial.  For  this  end  we 
should  improve  the  slow  and  cumbrous  machinery  of  our 
laws,  which  frequently  impose  great  delay  and  expense. 

We  ought  to  adapt  punishments  to  the  nature  of  the 
offence,  so  as  to  carry  with  us  the  offender's  sense  of  jus- 
tice. We  should  not  lightly  lock  men  up  in  jail,  or  throw 
them  into  the  company  of  hardened  offenders. 

We  ought  to  divide  public  offenders  into  different  classes 
and  treat  them  accordingly.  Some  would  most  fairly  be 
required  to  work,  as,  for  example,  on  the  public  streets. 
Some  would  need  to  be  sent  away  to  public  farms  or  shops, 
where  they  could  learn  a  trade  and  acquire  habits  of  self- 
control.  As  soon  as  they  could  be  trusted,  they  should 
be  given  a  trial  of  their  freedom  again.  Some  could  be 
entrusted,  like  the  harmless  insane,  to  the  care  of  discreet 
and  friendly  persons  in  different  parts  of  the  State.    Those 


268  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

only  who  needed  restraint  should  be  locked  behind  walls 
and  bolts. 

We  should  probably  do  wisely,  when  prisoners  work,  to 
credit  them  with  a  part  of  the  product  of  their  labor.  This 
might  go  either  to  support  their  families  or  to  provide  them 
with  means  to  secure  an  honest  living  when  they  come 
out  of  prison.  We  ought  also,  when  they  come  back  to 
society,  to  see  that  they  are  befriended  and  helped  to  find 
employment. 

The  indeterminate  sentence.  —  The  old  and  barbarous 
custom  was  to  assign  to  every  offence  a  particular  penalty, 
—  as  of  so  many  stripes,  or  so  long  an  imprisonment  for 
stealing  a  loaf  of  bread.  It  was  as  if  a  physician  treated 
every  case  of  pneumonia  with  the  same  dose  of  medicine. 
The  new  way  is  to  treat  each  case  with  some  regard  to  the 
circumstances.  The  "  indeterminate  sentence  "  means  that 
the  judge  does  not  prescribe  how  long  an  offender  must  be 
confined.  By  good  behavior  he  may  soon  prove  that  he 
can  safely  be  trusted  to  return  to  liis  home.  For  all  that 
the  State  desires  is  that  he  shall  take  his  place  in  the  ranks 
of  the  good  citizens.  But  otherwise  he  ought  never  to  be 
set  free  to  do  harm.  Some  States  already  use  the  inde- 
terminate sentence.  The  laws  ought  to  allow  its  more 
general  use. 

Prison  reform.  —  In  some  States  prisoners  are  largely 
kept  in  idleness,  especially  in  the  county  jails.  Nothing  is 
done  to  help  them  to  earn  a  decent  living  after  they  are 
discharged.  There  is  a  prejudice  against  prison  work,  lest 
the  wages  paid  for  it  may  lessen  the  wages  of  men  out  of 
prison ;  although  it  is  evident  that  if  prisoners  do  nothing 
for  their  support,  they  must  be  kept  at  the  cost  of  the 
people. 

In  some  States  again,  especially  in  the  South,  prisoners 


THE  TREATMENT   OF   CRIME.  269 

are  hired  out  to  contractors,  who  pay  the  State  for  their 
labor.  The  contractors  then  try  to  make  as  much  money 
as  they  can  out  of  their  bargain,  as  if  they  had  hired  so 
many  cattle,  but  do  not  try  to  help  the  men  to  become 
good  citizens. 

A  few  States,  notably  New  York,  have  adopted  new 
methods  in  the  care  of  prisons,  in  order  to  educate  and 
reform  the  men  and  women  committed  to  their  keeping. 
In  Elmira  Prison,  for  example,  the  men  are  divided  into 
classes  according  to  their  conduct.  They  may  earn  the 
right  to  be  trusted.  They  are  treated  as  fellow-men  and 
taught  trades.  The  indeterminate  sentence  is  used,  and 
"  tickets-of-leave "  are  given  on  good  behavior,  entitling 
the  men  to  release  from  prison,  as  long  as  they  use  their 
freedom  honorably. 

As  we  have  seen,  very  much  remains  to  be  done,  even 
in  the  most  progressive  States,  in  getting  rid  of  old  ideas 
of  punishment,  and  learning  to  treat  prisoners  with  a  view 
both  to  their  good  and  to  the  best  interests  of  society. 

The  power  of  pardon.  —  In  the  early  days  the  king 
could  pardon  an  offender.  Now  that  the  people  are 
sovereign,  the  governor,  or  in  certain  cases  the  President, 
has  the  power,  as  representing  the  people,  to  grant  pardons ; 
as  it  is  his  duty  in  capital  punishment  to  sign  the  death 
warrant.  But  the  power  of  pardon  has  been  found  liable 
to  great  abuse.  It  is,  therefore,  believed  by  many  careful 
persons  that  the  granting  of  pardons,  as  well  as  the  care  of 
prisons  and  the  proper  treatment  of  offenders,  ought  to  be 
given  to  a  board  of  the  wisest  men  and  women  in  the 
State,  who  shall  be  made,  like  judges,  responsible  for  their 
action.  In  some  States,  as  Massachusetts,  there  are  already 
Prison  Commissions,  but  their  authority  and  usefulness 
are  limited. 


270  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

The  prevention  of  crime.  —  With  crime,  as  with  every 
other  evil,  the  chief  hope  of  remedy  is  in  prevention.  This 
requires  an  understanding  of  the  causes  which  lead  to  crime. 
These  causes  are  partly  the  inheritance  from  weak  or 
vicious  parents.  Other  causes  are  the  unfortunate  circum- 
stances in  which  many  live;  such  as  bad  and  crowded 
tenement  houses,  pressing  poverty,  and  the  abuse  of  al- 
coholic drinks.  Very  many  of  the  criminals,  also,  are 
ignorant. 

The  prevention  of  crime  consists  largely  in  the  removal 
of  the  prevalent  causes  which  make  criminals.  The  im-' 
provement  of  the  houses  of  the  poor,  more  wholesome 
sanitary  arrangements,  the  spread  of  intelligence,  a  firm 
moral  training,  the  forming  of  habits  of  temperance  and 
self-control,  —  all  surely  tend  to  prevent  crime.  The 
children  of  vicious  parents  have  also  to  be  taken  away 
from  bad  homes  and  placed  under  new  and  moral  sur- 
roundings. Great  good  is  done  by  the  societies  which 
thus  aim  to  find  homes  for  the  children  of  the  destitute. 

The  detection  of  crime.  —  It  has  become  customary, 
besides  using  police  and  constables,  to  watch  against  and 
overtake  wrong-doers,  to  employ  a  class  of  men  called 
"detectives,"  to  ferret  out  crime  in  its  hiding-places. 
There  are  certain  fair  and  honorable  means  to  be  used  in 
tracking  guilt  but  there  is  always  grave  danger,  if  the 
State  hires  "a  rogue  to  catch  a  rogue."  The  State  thus 
pays  some  one  for  lying  and  deception  —  the  very  crimes 
which  it  wishes  to  prevent.  It  is  very  doubtful  if  it  is 
ever  important  enough  to  bring  any  offender  to  justice, 
to  warrant  the  use  of  tools  which  true  men  would  be 
unwilling  themselves  to  handle. 

Lynch-law.  —  In  wild  and  half-civilized  communities  it 
sometimes  happens,  for  want  of  upright  judges  or  righteous 


THE  TKEATMENT  OF  CRIME.  271 

courts,  that  the  people  take  justice  into  their  own  hands. 
They  appoint  their  own  judge  and  jury,  and  hurry  the 
culprit  to  punishment,  sometimes  with  terrible  injustice. 
It  is  possible  that  lynch-lavv  is  better  than  no  law:  its 
promptness  may  at  times  be  more  just  than  the  wearing 
delays  of  too  many  courts ;  but  its  terrible  spirit  of  revenge 
and  its  risk  of  punishing  the  wrong  person  brand  it  as 
barbarous. 

A  final  caution.  —  There  is  sometimes  a  harsh  feeling 
towards  criminals,  as  though  they  were  a  different  race 
from  other  men,  or  as  if  detection  and  civil  punishment 
made  wrong-doing  worse  than  if  it  had  escaped  detection. 
On  the  contrary,  all  improvement  in  the  treatment  and 
reform  of  crime  has  come  from  the  efforts  of  those  who, 
like  John  Howard,  held  the  wrong-doer  to  be  a  man  like 
themselves,  and  pitied  him  accordingly. 


272  THE  AMEBIC  AN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

HOW  TO   HELP   THE  POOR. 

It  was  seen,  in  our  study  of  economic  conditions,  what' 
causes  lead  to  poverty.  One  of  the  great  questions  which 
society  has  to  answer  is,  how  best  to  help  the  poor.  It 
used  to  be  answered  very  easily.  Alms,  it  was  said,  ought 
to  be  given  them. 

Pauperism.  —  This  plan  of  giving  alms  was  tried  for 
hundreds  of  years,  till  it  was  found  that  the  more  money 
was  given  to  the  poor,  the  poorer  they  became.  In  some 
countries,  like  Italj',  there  came  to  be  a  large  class  of  pro- 
fessional beggars.  In  England  vast  numbers  of  the  people 
became  paupers ;  that  is,  they  were  dependent  for  more  or 
less  of  their  living  upon  the  support  of  the  government. 
At  last  it  was  seen  that  gifts  of  money  and  of  food,  instead 
of  helping  the  poor,  took  away  their  manliness  and  inde- 
pendence, and  made  them  less  capable  of  earning  their 
living. 

Moreover,  when  the  poor  could  get  their  living  for  noth- 
ing, honest  and  industrious  workmen  had  to  suffer  in 
consequence.  This  was  partly  because  the  taxes,  which 
always  come  out  of  the  industrious  people,  were  made 
higher  by  the  support  of  the  poor.  Besides,  when  much 
money  is  given  to  paupei-s,  the  wages  of  the  industrious 
class  are  likely  to  fall.  For  the  poor  who  are  partly  sup- 
ported by  private  or  public  charity  can  afford  to  work  for 
lower  wages  than  the  industrious  and  independent  class, 


HOW   TO   HELP   THE   POOR.  273 

who  support  themselves.  The  competition  of  pauper  la- 
borers, therefore,  always  tends  to  bring  down  wages  to  the 
lower  level. 

The  effect  is  the  same  when  any  of  the  poor  are  given 
board  or  food  at  less  than  market  values.  Thus  we  will 
suppose  that  there  are  in  New  York  ten  thousafid  poor 
girls  for  whom  kind  people  provide  rooms  free  of  cost. 
These  girls  can  afford  to  work  at  perhaps  fifty  cents  a 
week  less  than  those  who  have  to  pay  the  rent  of  their 
rooms.  Now  employers  prefer  to  hire  the  girls  who  can 
afford  to  serve  for  the  smallest  wages.  These  employers, 
again,  can  afford  to  sell  their  goods  a  little  cheaper,  and 
other  employers,  who  compete  with  them,  are  forced  to  • 
lower  their  price  to  the  thousands  of  girls  whose  kind 
friends  do  not  fui-nish  free  lodging.  Thus  unwise  giving 
tends  to  hurt  the  people  whom  one  meant  to  help. 

Work  not  a  curse.  —  Underneath  the  custom  of  giving 
alms  to  the  poor  there  was  a  strange  old  notion  that  work 
was  a  curse.  For  it  used  to  be  thought  that  the  most  de- 
sirable condition  was  a  life  of  ease  ^d  idleness.  This  is 
no  longer  believed.  Work,  if  not  excessive,  is  now  known 
to  be  favorable  to  health  and  happiness.  Even  the  strug- 
gle necessary  to  overcome  difficulties  often  develops  the 
most  successful  and  the  noblest  men  and  women. 

Charity ;  the  general  law.  —  The  wisest  and  kindest 
charity  is  to  help  the  poor  to  help  themselves.  This  is  the 
working  of  nature,  which  rewards  exertion,  and  has  all 
sorts  of  penalties  against  imprudence  and  laziness.  Thus 
it  is  charity  to  find  a  poor  man  work,  or  to  show  his  wife 
how  not  to  waste  food,  or  to  persuade  the  poor  not  to 
spend  their  money  in  drink.  It  is  charity  to  teach  co- 
operation among  the  poor,  in  order  to  provide  for  the 
expenses  of  sickness.     It  is  charity  to  help  the  children 


274  THE   AMEllICAN   CITIZEN, 

of  the  poor  to  learn  trades  in  which  they  can  earn  better 
wages.  It  may  be  charity  to  start  a  new  industry  in  a 
poor  neighborhood  which  shall  distribute  regular  wages 
to  a  great  many. people.  It  is  charity  to  build  wholesome 
dwelling-houses  at  fair  rates  of  rent.  The  greatest  of 
charities  would  be  investments  of  capital  by  the  rich  to 
enable  men  to  become  owners  of  their  own  homes. 

Exceptional  cases.  —  There  are,  however,  certain  poor 
people  who,  for  various  reasons,  seem  unable  to  help  them- 
selves ;  as  the  aged,  the  sick  and  feeble,  and  widows  with 
little  children.  There  are  also  times  in  which,  for  want 
of  work  or  failure  of  the  harvests,  large  numbers  of  people 
"are  thrown  out  of  employment.  In  ancient  times  such 
people  were  often  left  to  suffer  terrible  hardships,  and  to 
starve  to  death.  It  is  now  regarded  as  the  duty  of  society 
to  provide  for  these  exceptional  cases  of  poverty. 

Why  society  relieves  exceptional  poverty.  —  The  duty 
of  helping  the  needy  poor,  society  partly  owes  to  itself ; 
because  it  would  lessen  the  happiness  of  all  and  narrow 
men's  sympathies  to  Witness  suffering  and  do  nothing  to 
relieve  it.  In  some  cases  —  for  instance,  in  a  famine  —  it 
is  necessary  to  assist  the  poor  for  the  welfare  and  safety 
of  society.  Society  alsa  owes  its  help,  in  cases  of  extreme 
poverty,  to  the  innocent  and  to  children,  of  whom  it  is  the 
natural  guardian.  So  far  also  as  the  working  of  bad  laws 
and  customs  has  caused  poverty,  society  ought  to  help  pay 
the  penalty  of  its  own  faults.  Our  common  humanity 
specially  requires  us  never  to  rest  content  while  fellow- 
men  are  in  distress. 

On  these  grounds  the  state  raises  considerable  sums  of 
money  by  taxation  to  relieve  distress  and  to  support  hos- 
pitals and  asylums.  The  feeble-minded  and  insane  are 
largely  cared  for  by  the  state.     Every  city  or  town  pro- 


HOW    TO   HELP   THE   POOR.  275 

vides  that  no  citizen  or  stranger,  if  possible,  shall  be  left 
to  starve. 

There  are  many,  however,  who  only  need  to  be  tided 
over  a  period  of  misfortune,  and  who  do  not  wish  the 
assistance  of  public  officers.  Neither  is  it  well  for  any  to 
form  a  habit  of  looking  to  the  public  treasury  to  save  the 
trouble  of  helping  themselves. 

The  fact  is,  the  spirit  of  kindness  and  gratitude  grows 
whenever  friends  or  neighbors  help  each  other ;  but  kind- 
ness and  gratitude  hardly  grow  at  all  if  a  policeman  or 
official  gives  public  aid,  which  comes  out  of  the  labor 
of  others.  Moreover,  friends  and  neighbors  may  render 
wiser  aid  than  officials,  and  know  better  when  it  may  be 
.  discontinued. 

Who  is  responsible.  —  Near  friends  or  relatives  ought, 
naturally,  to  help  one  another  in  misfortune.  Near  neigh- 
bors are  more  responsible  for  one  another  than  distant 
ones.  Employers  ought  to  have  friendly  care  for  their 
employees.  Owners  of  houses  ought  to  bear  some  responsi- 
bility for  their  tenants.  If  relatives,  neighbors,  employers, 
and  landlords  all  bore  their  fair  responsibility,  there  would 
still  be  a  considerable  amount  of  distress  to  be  otherwise 
provided  for. 

The  city  poor  and  the  country  poor.  —  In  the  country 
the  people  generally  know  their  neighbors.  If  any  one 
is  in  trouble,  the  fact  is  easily  discovered  and  the  causes 
and  circumstances  are  known.  If  sickness  or  accident 
cause  suffering,  every  one  sympathizes  and  wishes  to  help. 
When  bad  habits  make  a  family  poor,  friendly  neighbors 
can  see  what  to  do  in  behalf  of  the  neglected  wife  or  chil- 
dren, or  may  even  have  influence  enough  to  change  the  bad 
habits. 

In  the  city,  however,  people  often  do  not  know  their 


276  THE   A]MERICAN   CITIZEN. 

nearest  neighbors.  The  very  poor  are  apt  also  to  live 
crowded  together,  somewhat  apart  from  the  homes  of  the 
more  prosperous.  Employers  may  not  be  acquainted  with 
their  workmen;  or  great  corporations  hire  thousands  of 
men  who  are  constantly  changing.  Often  the  owners  of  a 
tenement  house,  where  poor  people  live,  do  not  know  who 
their  tenants  are,  but  merely  collect  their  rent  through 
an  agent,  like  the  absentee  landlords  of  Ireland.  When 
trouble  comes,  therefore,  no  one  may  at  once  know  of  it, 
or  what  caused  it,  or  how  best  to  help  it.  Those  who  have 
means  to  relieve  suffering  may  never  happen  to  learn  of 
the  need  of  a  poorer  neighbor  a  few  blocks  away  from  their 
own  doors.  These  facts  make  it  difficult  to  help  the  suf- 
fering in  a  city. 

What  kinds  of  help  do  no  injury.  —  We  have  seen  that 
it  harms  people  to  look  to  the  public  for  support.  This  is 
because  it  is  unfair  for  one  set  of  people  to  expect  the  rest 
to  work  and  to  pay  taxes,  in  order  to  give  them  bread,  or 
free  soup,  or  clothes ;  for  ever}^  honorable  person  wishes 
to  give  as  much  as  he  gets.  The  kinds  of  help  which  do 
good  are  those  which  all  share  in  enjoying  and  in  paying 
for.  Thus  the  whole  city  is  better  off  when  it  cleanses 
and  lights,  or  widens  and  improves  a  bad  street,  or  requires 
a  dangerous  or  unhealthy  house  to  be  renovated  or  torn 
down.  The  city  cannot  afford  to  let  any  of  its  people  live 
in  filth  or  exposed  to  disease. 

So,  too,  it  helps  every  one  Avhen  a  town  provides  educa- 
tion, libraries,  and  parks,  free  for  all.  Whatever  tends  to 
make  the  citizens  more  healthy,  capable,  and  intelligent, 
will  "  help  the  poor  to  help  themselves."  The  enlightened 
commonwealth  especially  wishes  to  give  every  child  a  fair 
start  in  life  ;  as  a  parent  believes  that  the  better  equipment 
his  son  has,  the  more  honorable  and  useful  he  will  become. 


HOW   TO   HELP   THE   POOR.  277 

Friendly  gifts  and  alms  :  the  difference.  —  The  person 
who  gives  alms  to  a  beggar  is  like  one  who  fires  a  gun 
without  taking  aim ;  for  he  does  not  know  what  the  beggar 
really  needs  or  whether  his  money  will  not  do  harm.  He 
may  give  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  beggar.  Even  if  the 
beggar  needs  money,  too  many  strangers  may  waste  their 
money  upon  him,  to  the  neglect  of  some  more  needy 
person. 

The  gift  of  a  friend,  however,  is  directed  with  some  in- 
telligence. We  may  always  hope  to  make  some  return  to 
a  friend.  The  friend  can  have  an  eye  upon  us  to  see  if  we 
make  good  use  of  his  gifts,  and  will  stop  giving  when  the 
gift  does  no  good.  Friendly  gifts,  intelligently  directed, 
not  only  stir  our  gratitude  and  generosity,  but  may  leave 
us  more  capable  or  useful  than  we  should  be  without  them. 
Thus  every  one  who  receives  such  gifts  ought  to  be  willing 
to  share  them.  A  poor  person  may  receive  friendly  gifts 
from  a  wealthier  neighbor,  and  may  himself  help  in  turn 
a  more  needy  person. 

Not  alms,  but  a  friend.  —  In  the  old-fashioned  alms- 
giving there  was  one  noble  thing;  namely,  sympathy,  or 
humanity.  True  charity  aims  to  foster  this  sympathy  and 
to  direct  it  to  the  most  permanent  good.  It  asks  us  to 
"  put  ourselves  in  the  other's  place,"  and  to  think  what  we 
should  need  if  we  were  in  distress.  The  motto  of  modern 
charity  is,  "  Not  alms,  but  a  friend." 

What  is  being  done.  —  If  all  the  kind  persons  who 
wisbed  to  help  the  poor  in  a  city  were  to  work,  each  by 
himself,  some  needy  families  would  receive  more  than  their 
share,  while  others  would  be  quite  neglected.  It  is  neces- 
sary, therefore,  in  order  to  secure  efficient  action,  to  organ- 
ize people  into  societies.  Sometimes,  too,  it  is  necessary  to 
organize  a  number  of  societies  together,  like  the  various 


278  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

divisions  of  an  army,  so  as  not  to  interfere  with  each 
other.     This  is  called  the  Associated  Charities. 

The  Associated  Charities  endeavors  by  its  agents  to  dis- 
cover what  are  the  real  needs  of  the  poor  in  a  city ;  to  find 
who  are  worthy  and  deserving,  and  who  are  false  or  bad  ; 
and  to  send  its  friendly  volunteer  besides  to  those  who 
need  friends.  Sometimes  employment  is  found  for  those 
out  of  work ;  or  actual  assistance  must  be  obtained  for  a 
little  while ;  or  a  suitable  hospital  or  home  must  be  pro- 
vided, or  perhaps  a  regular  pension  is  needed  for  an  aged 
person  or  an  invalid.  The  leisure  time  of  many  persons, 
as  well  as  the  benevolent  gifts  of  many  more,  are  thus 
directed  where  the  most  good  may  be  done.  The  aim  of 
the  Associated  Charities  is,  as  far  as  possible,  to  assist  the 
poorest  to  self-respect  and  self-support. 

Savings  banks.  —  The  trouble  with  multitudes  of  peo- 
ple is  that  they  have  nothing  between  themselves  and  want. 
If,  then,  illness  befalls  them,  or  they  are  thrown  out  of 
work,  they  have  to  run  in  debt  or  else  suffer.  The  savings 
banks  enable  people  to  put  by,  "  against  a  rainy  day,"  very 
small  sums  to  accumulate  and  draw  interest,  which  would 
otherwise  be  spent  or  wasted.  The  habit  of  using  the 
savings  banks  induces  every  one  to  become  more  indus- 
trious and  wards  off  bad  habits. 

Many  believe  that  our  government,  like  Great  Britain, 
ought  to  provide  postal  savings  banks,  so  that  the  people 
could  safely  invest  their  earnings  at  every  post-office  in 
the  country. 

The  co-operative  banks  are  another  kind  of  savings 
bank.  They  also  help  those  who  save  their  money  to 
build  or  to  own  their  home.  The  life  insurance  com- 
panies furnish  another  method  to  encourage  industry  and 
self-denial  for  the  sake  of  one's  family. 


HOW   TO    HELP   THE   POOR.  279 

The  housing  of  the  poor.  —  In  some  of  the  great  cities 
abroad,  as  Glasgow,  where  tenement  houses  have  become 
terribly  crowded,  the  law  permits  the  public  authorities  to 
buy  property  and  to  build  decent  houses  to  be  rented. 
This  is  because  the  old  houses  were  a  menace  to  the  public 
safety.  We  have  already  seen  that  it  is  a  grave  question 
how  far  it  is  well  for  the  public  to  attempt  to  carry  on 
business,  like  building,  owning,  and  renting  houses.  It 
seems  better  that  people  should  themselves  own  their 
houses  and  be  responsible  for  the  care  of  them,  as  they  so 
largely  do  by  the  aid  of  the  co-operative  banks  in  Phila- 
delphia and  other  cities. 

Cautions.  —  The  duty  of  exceptional  help  for  the  un- 
fortunate poor  is  still  attended  with  serious  dangers.  No 
man  must  be  encouraged,  when  ill  or  out  of  work,  to 
depend  upon  public  aid  or  benevolent  societies  instead  of 
his  own  prudence  and  savings.  It  is  unjust  to  the  thrifty 
and  industrious,  if  the  improvident  are  helped  so  as  to  fare 
as  well  as  themselves.  The  complaints  and  sufferings  of 
all  who  ask  help  must,  therefore,  be  carefully  investigated 
before  aid  is  rendered.  The  inveterate  beggars  must  be 
found  out,  and  punished,  if  necessary;  the  intemperate 
husband  must  not  think  that  he  can  spend  his  wages  in 
drink,  and  have  his  family  supported  by  charity.  The 
Associated  Charities  must  keep  careful  records  of  the 
results  of  their  investigations. 

Rich  beggars,  paupers,  and  tramps.  —  It  must  be 
observed  that  all  which  we  say  of  beggars  and  paupers 
holds  of  the  well-to-do  class  as  truly  as  of  the  very  poor. 
It  is  quite  as  disgraceful  to  wish  to  live  at  the  rate  of  five 
or  ten  thousand  dollars  a  year  out  of  the  labor  of  others, 
and  without  doing  any  useful  service,  as  to  be  willing  to 
live  on  a  pittance  from  a  charitable  society.     It  is  as  bad 


280  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

to  beg  for  an  office  under  government  in  order  merely  to 
draw  the  pay  as  to  beg  alms  of  a  stranger  on  the  street. 
And  he  who  selfishly  spends  the  money,  which  othere  have 
earned,  in  travelling  over  the  world  may  be  only  a  better 
dressed  tramp. 


THE  GREAT  SOCIAL  SUBJECTS.  281 


CHAPTER  XL. 

THE  GREAT  SOCIAL   SUBJECTS. 

The  growth  of  moral  habits.  —  The  world  learns  what 
is  right  and  wrong  slowly,  as  children  learn.  There  were 
thus  habits  and  conduct  allowed  in  old  times  which  civil- 
ized people  agree  to  condemn  and  punish.  We  are  told 
that  the  Spartans  once  taught  their  youth  to  be  adroit 
thieves.  All  the  ancient  nations  permitted  human  slavery. 
There  weie  tribes  who  lived  by  raiding  their  neighbors ; 
and  cities,  like  Tripoli  and  Algiers,  till  recent  times,  whose 
chief  business  was  piracy.  Whereas  we  have  now  many 
laws  and  a  long  list  of  crimes,  our  forefathers  long  ago  had 
but  a  few  very  simple  laws.  Neither  were  their  con- 
sciences quick  to  protest  against  cruel  deeds. 

The  great  tffle  of  morals.  —  Men  once  did  wrong,  like 
children,  without  fairly  seeing  what  harm  the  wrong  did. 
Or,  they  supposed  that  wrong  did  harm  to  othere,  but 
did  not  see  how  it  also  hurt  the  one  who  committed  it. 
Thus  when  men  knew  that  it  would  be  bad  for  themselves 
to  be  slaves,  they  were  slow  in  finding  out  that  it  was  bad 
for  themselves  and  their  children  to  keep  slaves.  So  with 
brigandage  and  piracy.  Men  discovered  at  last  that  it 
was  not  only  bad  to  be  robbed,  but  very  bad  also  for  a 
people  to  live  by  robber}\ 

As  fast  as  men  discovered  that  any  practice  or  habit  was 
hurtful,  they  began  to  call  such  conduct  wrong,  and  to 
make  laws  to  prevent  it.     Their  consciences  also  made 


282  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

them  uncomfortable  at  doing  what  they  now  saw  was 
hurtful.  Thus,  as  soon  as  any  man  saw  what  harm  there 
was  in  slavery,  to  the  masters,  and  to  society,  and  to  the 
state,  as  well  as  to  the  slave,  his  conscience  troubled  him 
for  helping  on  this  harm. 

The  rule  of  morals  is,  that  whatever  is  found  to  hurt 
men  or  harm  society  is  wrong.  That  which  harms  may 
seem  at  first  to  give  some  one  pleasure  or  profit,  like  the 
brigand's  booty,  or  the  slave's  service  to  his  master ;  as  a 
poisonous  draught  may  give  a  moment's  pleasure  in  the 
mouth,  while  destroying  the  health.  It  is  possible,  too,  on 
occasion,  that  a  few  men  may  have  to  suffer  some  harm, 
as  patriots  who  die  for  their  country,  in  order  to  save  all 
from  greater  harm  by  oppression.  The  simple  rule,  how- 
ever, holds  good,  that  any  conduct  or  habit  is  bad,  and 
therefore  wrong,  which  on  the  whole  hurts  or  weakens 
society,  or  leaves  men  poorer  and  worse. 

Moral  subjects  that  have  been  settled.  —  There  are 
already  many  practices,  such  as  slavery  and  piracy,  the 
harm  of  which  civilized  men  have  clearly  found  out 
through  very  painful  and  costly  experience .  So  in  this 
country  with  fighting  duels,  although  as  late  as  1804  the 
distinguished  statesman,  Alexander  Hamilton,  lost  his 
life  in  a  duel,  and  Germans  and  Frenchmen  still  practise 
the  barbarous  custom.  The  world  has  also  learned  the 
terrible  harm  and  social  disorder  that  comes  by  unfaithful- 
ness in  marriage,  so  that  the  laws  and  men's  conscience:^ 
make  unfaithfulness  a  grave  crime.  When  we  say  that 
such  subjects  as  these  are  settled,  we  do  not  mean  that 
every  one  does  right  with  regard  to  them,  but  that  men 
generally  know  the  difference  between  right  and  wrong. 

New  questions.  —  There  are  other  subjects  on  which 
men  are  only  now  fairly  learning  what  is  right;  there  are 


THE   GREAT    SOCIAL   SUBJECTS.  283 

some  important  subjects  upon  which  they  are  as  yet  dis- 
agreed. Thus,  cruelty  to  animals  is  a  new  crime,  which 
men  have  only  lately  agreed  upon,  and  the  harm  of  which 
many  men  need  still  to  see.  About  gambling,  about  purity 
and  the  family,  about  the  use  of  the  alcoholic  drinks,  there 
are  still  grave  questions  of  right  and  wrong,  which  are 
only  slowl}^  becoming  settled. 

Lotteries  and  gambling.  —  There  was  once  a  time  when 
our  forefathers  appear  to  have  seen  no  harm  in  gambling, 
and  lotteries  were  even  approved  by  the  state,  and  permitted 
to  aid  colleges  and  charitable  enterprises.  But  it  became 
at  last  evident  that  gambling  always  did  great  harm  to 
society.  It  led  to  idleness  and  waste.  The  losers  not  only 
had  to  suffer,  but  they  dragged  their  friends  to  loss  and 
want;  the  winners  only  gained  by  their  neighbors'  losses 
—  a  mean  kind  of  gain  !  The  whole  of  society  was  poorer 
and  not  richer  by  gambling,  as  though  the  body  were  to 
try  to  live  by  devouring  itself.  If  gambling  then  hurts 
society,  any  one  who  for  his  own  pleasure,  or  excitement, 
or  gain  engages  in  it,  is  as  truly  an  enemy  to  society  as 
the  thief  or  the  highwayman. 

Gambling  in  prices,  or  stock  speculation.  —  Men  are 
not,  however,  yet  fully  agreed  as  to  what  constitutes  gam- 
bling. Thus  while  the  laws  forbid  lotteries  and  games  of 
cards  for  money,  the  laws  cannot  easily  prevent  men  from 
betting  or  gambling  upon  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  prices  of 
goods  or  stocks  and  bonds.  But  all  kinds  of  betting,  where 
men  hope  to  win  by  others'  loss,  hurt  society  precisely 
as  the  lotteries  do.  For  after  men  have  finished  betting, 
nothing  has  been  done  to  make  society  richer  or  happier ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  waste  of  time  of  the  losers  and  the 
gains  of  the  winners  must  at  last  come  out  of  the  labor 
of  the  industrious,  and  leave   every  one  poorer.     Those, 


284  THE  AMERICAN  CITIZEN. 

therefore,  who  wish  to  get  their  living  by  the  chances  of 
business,  and  out  of  other  men's  pockets,  must  be  classed 
as  gamblers,  and  enemies  to  society,  since  no  honest  man 
wishes  to  be  made  rich  at  others'  expense. 

The  family. — Men  had  made  various  experiments  in 
savage  times  about  the  family,  before  they  came  to  see  the 
true  law  of  the  marriage  of  one  man  to  one  woman.  Every 
other  relation  of  men  and  women  to  each  other  has  proved 
to  be  fraught  with  mischief  to  society.  Every  other  rela- 
tion has  done  harm  and  wrought  degradation  both  to  men 
and  to  women,  and  has  proved  especially  bad  for  children. 
Every  other  relation,  then,  since  it  hurts  both  the  indi- 
vidual and  society,  becomes  wrong.  It  becomes  wrong 
none  the  less,  even  when  in  particular  cases  it  might  seem 
not  to  do  immediate  harm.  As  a  thief  is  still  the  enemy 
to  society,  when  he  robs  a  rich  man,  even  if  he  gives  away 
the  proceeds  of  his  theft. 

Thus  the  Mormons  in  Utah  became  enemies  to  society 
in  reviving  the  barbarous  habit  of  polygamy,  and  none  the 
less,  when  they  did  it  in  the  name  of  their  religion ;  and 
society  in  self-protection  justly  required  them  to  stop  the 
hurtful  practice. 

The  equal  law  of  purity  for  men  and  women.  —  While 
society  has  long  agreed  that  all  offences  against  the  law 
of  the  family  are  disastrous,  and  therefore  wrong  for 
women,  unfortunately  it  has  been  slow  in  seeing  that  the 
same  kind  of  offences  against  purity  are  equally  wrong  in 
men.  In  fact,  nothing  is  meaner  for  a  man  than  to  do 
secretly  a  kind  of  wrong  which,  if  every  one  did  likewise, 
would  ruin  society. 

Whoever,  then,  degrades  womanhood,  or  encourages 
such  degradation,  puts  himself  in  the  place  of  the  crimi- 
nal.    Even  if  he  is  never  found  out,  his  wrong,  like  that 


THE   GEEAT   SOCIAL   SUBJECTS.  285 

of  a  sneak-thief,  remains  the  same.  True  men,  therefore, 
gladly  accept  the  same  standard  of  purity  for  men  and 
women. 

The  marriage  laws.  —  That  which  makes  real  mar- 
riage is,  of  course,  the  love  and  devotion  of  husband  and 
wife.  Without  love  and  devotion  maniage  cannot  be 
real.  But  it  is  necessary  to  the  order  of  society,  and  for 
preserving  the  rights  of  children,  that  certain  simple  mar- 
riage laAvs  should  be  observed.  The  intentions  of  marriage 
should  be  registered  beforehand,  as  in  Massachusetts,  at 
the  office  of  the  town  or  city  clerk ;  the  two  persons  should 
appear  before  some  authorized  person,  a  priest,  or  minister, 
or  magistrate,  and  affirm  their  serious  purpose  to  be  joined 
in  marriage ;  and  a  public  record  should  be  made  of  each 
marriage.  The  laws  of  the  various  states  differ,  and  some 
of  them  are  somewhat  lax.  The  laws  also  require  that  the 
two  persons  shall  be  of  suitable  age.  It  is  a  pity  that  the 
laws  cannot  require  the  husband  to  prove  himself  capable 
of  giving  a  wife  proper  support,  or  to  guarantee  the  care 
and  education  of  children.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  the  laws 
alone  cannot  compel  people  to  be  thrifty,  industrious,  or 
honorable. 

Divorce.  —  There  are  certain  causes  which  prevent  mar- 
riage from  being  happy,  or  even  tolerable.  Such  are  un- 
faithfulness, cruelty,  and  crime.  It  does  not  seem  just  to 
require  the  life  of  the  innocent  husband  or  wife  to  be 
blighted  by  the  guilt  of  the  other  party.  The  state,  there- 
fore, which  by  the  marriage  law  unites  husband  and  wife, 
may  also,  by  a  special  permit,  sever  the  bond.  This  is 
called  divorce.  The  authority  to  grant  divorce  is  gener- 
ally vested  in  the  courts,  in  order  that  injustice  may  not 
be  done  to  innocent  parties  and  to  children.  The  reasons, 
however,  which  are  held  sufficient  for  divorce  vary  in  dif- 


286.  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

ferent  States ;  and  this  difference  of  custom  and  law  some- 
times helps  unscrupulous  persons  to  obtain  an  easy  divorce. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  our  present  laws  so  easily  permit 
the  guilty,  who  have  ruined  the  happiness  of  their  marriage, 
to  marry  again  and  so  to  endanger  other  innocent  lives. 
As  we  have  already  seen,  however,  it  is  difficult  to  protect 
by  law  those  who  are  too  foolish  or  unintelligent  to  pro- 
tect themselves. 


THE   PROBLEMS   OF   TEMPERANCE.  287 


CHAPTER   XLI. 

THE  PROBLEMS  OF  TEMPERANCE. 

Among  the  moral  questions  which  have  come  into  view 
in  modern  times,  like  the  questions  of  slavery  and  gam- 
bling, is  the  treatment  of  the  alcoholic  drinks.  For  in  old 
times,  although  wise  men  saw  dangers  in  the  use  of  wine 
and  strong  drink,  there  were  few  who  believed  that  their 
use  was  wrong.  Moreover,  the  manufacture  of  the  stronger 
drinks,  such  as  brandy  and  wine,  is  comparatively  modern. 

The  old  world  idea  of  temperance.  —  It  used  to  be 
thought  that  the  only  harm  in  the  alcoholic  drinks  was  by 
their  abuse.  Temperance  was  to  exercise  self-control  and 
not  to  become  intoxicated.  As  this  was  the  general  opin- 
ion of  the  world  for  thousands  of  years,  it  is  not  strange 
that  multitudes  still  hold  it;  most  of  the  foreign  people 
who  come  to  our  shores  bring  this  idea  with  them.  There 
are  doubtless  persons  who  have  easy  control  of  their  appe- 
tites and  are  naturally  temperate.  There  are  probably 
certain  races  and  nations  who  are  more  temperate  than 
others. 

Facts  upon  which  all  are  agreed.  —  All  thoughtful  per- 
sons agree  that  the  harm,  the  waste,  misery,  and  poverty, 
the  degradation  and  crime  which  come  from  the  use  of 
the  alcoholic  drinks  are  a  terrible  evil  to  the  nation.  The 
amount  of  money  which  goes  every  year  in  the  United 
States  to  the  purchase  of  these  drinks  rises  towards  one 
thousand  millions  of  dollars.     The  public  cost  for  courts, 


288  THE   AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

prisons,  and  police  is  largely  increased  by  men's  habits  of 
drunkenness.  The  children  of  drinking  parents  are  apt  to 
have  enfeebled  bodies  and  minds.  All  these  evils  are  per- 
haps worse  in  America,  on  account  of  our  stimulating  cli- 
mate and  the  somewhat  nervous  character  of  our  people, 
who  are  easily  hurt  by  the  whip  of  an  artificial  stimulant. 

Moreover,  the  physicians,  who  once  used  wine  and  other 
alcoholic  drinks  quite  freely  in  the  treatment  of  disease, 
have  discovered  that  they  are  likely  to  do  harm  rather  than 
good,  and  that  their  use  even  as  medicine  is  extremely 
narrow. 

It  is  agreed  that  the  alcoholic  drinks,  as  a  rule,  are  bad 
for  women,  whose  finer  nervous  organization  is  easily  dam- 
aged by  the  poison  of  the  alcohol ;  so  for  men  who  lead 
a  sedentary  life,  as  clerks,  students,  and  men  in  profes- 
sional work ;  so  especially  for  the  young.  Even  the  milder 
alcoholic  drinks  contain  alcohol  enough  to  injure  the  grow- 
ing body. 

It  is  also  agreed  that  no  one  in  health  needs  the  alcoholic 
drinks,  as  was  once  supposed.  Indeed,  extremes  of  heat, 
cold,  and  exposure,  such  as  soldiers,  sailors,  or  explorers 
endure,  it  is  now  known,  are  better  borne  by  those  who  do 
not  habitually  use  these  stimulants.  The  fact  is,  the  in- 
toxicating drink,  the  stronger  it  is  with  alcohol,  acts  so 
much  the  more  like  a  poison.  If,  then,  the  body  has  already 
been  subject  to  this  effect,  like  a  bow  frequently  bent,  it 
becomes  less  elastic. 

It  is  agreed  that  the  alcoholic  drinks  are  specially  insid- 
ious. Their  use  easily  grows  into  an  enslaving  habit  and 
begets  a  craving  for  a  larger  and  more  frequent  use,  which 
at  last  becomes  a  disease,  paralyzing  the  will  of  the  patient. 
It  is  evident  that  those  who  have  decided  or,  especially, 
hereditary  taste  for  these  liquors,  expose  themselves  to 
peril  in  using  them  at  all. 


THE  PROBLEMS  OF  TEMPERAi^CE.         289 

It  is  agreed  that  the  alcoholic  drinks  are  particularly 
subject  to  adulteration,  often  with  poisonous  substances, 
as  well  as  to  artificial  strengthening  with  cheap  and  bad 
alcohol.  The  character  of  many  of  the  persons  connected 
with  the  liquor  trafl^ic  is  such  as  to  make  it  difficult  and 
costly  to  obtain  pure  liquors. 

It  is  agreed  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  great  class 
of  working  people  and  their  families,  who  make  up  the 
strength  of  the  nation,  if  they  did  not  touch  intoxicating 
drinks.  The  universal  disuse  of  these  drinks  may  be 
reckoned  as  equal  to  the  average  increase  of  their  wages 
by  one-tenth.  Already,  indeed,  in  a  great  many  kinds  of 
employment,  drinking  men  cannot  get  work.  Thus  the 
Civil  Service  Commissioners  will  not  recommend  them  as 
laborers  or  for  the  police.  The  managers  of  the  best  rail- 
roads do  not  want  them  for  engineers  or  switchmen. 

The  modern  or  American  idea.  —  Since  the  use  of  alco- 
holic beverages  does  terrible  harm  to  multitudes  of  indi- 
viduals, and  to  the  nation,  the  question  is,  whether  the 
rule  does  not  hold  good,  as  in  the  case  of  polygamy,  slavery, 
and  gambling ;  namely,  that  what  is  so  harmful  to  society, 
is  therefore  wrong.  This  is  what  many  say  of  the  use 
of  intoxicating  drinks.  Their  use  was  excusable  while 
men  had  not  yet  come  to  see  the  mischief  which  they  caused. 
But  as  it  does  not  make  slavery  right  that  there  were 
some  good  masters,  so,  now  that  intoxicating  drinks  are  on 
the  whole  proved  to  work  vast  moral  evils  to  society,  it  does 
not  make  their  use  right,  that  certain  individuals  are  able  to 
get  a  little  pleasure  for  themselves  from  them.  If  their 
use  does  harm  rather  than  good  to  the  nation,  every  friend 
to  society  should  let  them  alone.  Whoever  persists  in 
encouraging  their  use  makes  himself  so  far  an  enemy  to 
society. 


290  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

This  new  idea  may  be  called  American,  because  it  has 
made  its  way  faster  in  this  country  than  anywhere  else. 
But  it  has  adherents  everywhere,  and  especially  in  the 
English-speaking  countries,  in  which  new  ideas  always 
win  hospitable  attention. 

A  new  moral  rule.  —  When  a  new  moral  rule  appears, 
there  are  two  stages  in  accepting  it.  First,  many  indi- 
viduals take  it  up  and  obey  it  themselves ;  then,  when 
public  opinion  at  last  becomes  strong  enough,  and  men's 
consciences  generally  own  the  rule,  laws  are  made  to 
express  the  new  public  opinion,  and  to  help  enforce  it. 
Thus  many  pure-hearted  men  gave  up  polygamy  long 
before  public  opinion  was  strong  enough  in  the  world  to 
make  laws  about  it ;  and  many  individuals  refused  to 
gamble  while  the  laws  still  permitted  the  harmful  practice. 
So  great  numbers  of  people  have  become  total  abstainers 
from  intoxicating  drinks  before  their  neighbors  have  recog- 
nized the  new  moral  rule  which  they  believe  right. 

The  reformers.  —  There  must  always  be  those  in  society 
who  are  pioneers,  to  hew  the  way  in  advance.  Sometimes 
these  pioneers  have  to  try  dangerous  experiments ;  often 
they  have  to  brave  the  old  established  public  opinion  ;  they 
may  even  run  the  risk  of  being  mistaken,  or  disappointed, 
like  the  navigators  who  expected  to  discover  a  northwest 
passage  from  Europe  to  Asia.  When  the  pioneers  endeavor 
to  change  men's  habits,  customs,  or  laws,  and  establish  new 
and  more  beneficial  customs,  we  call  them  reformers.  Such 
have  been  the  noblest  men  who  have  lived ;  for  they  have 
not  sought  anything  for  themselves,  but  only  the  good  of 
society.  Wilberforce  in  England,  and  Garrison  in  America, 
were  such  reformers  in  getting  rid  of  slavery.  There  are 
men  of  the  same  spirit  in  every  State,  who  are  trying  to 
get  rid  of  the  old  bad  habit  of  intemperance.     The  reform- 


THE  PROBLEMS   OF  TEMPERANCE.  291 

ers  have  to  give  up  their  own  time,  or  money,  or  pleasure 
for  the  good  of  the  people. 

What  is  being  done.  —  All  are  agreed  that  intemperance 
will  not  cure  itself.  Public  opinion,  therefore,  already 
demands  certain  laws  to  restrict  the  sale  of  intoxicating 
drinks.  Liquors  ought  not  to  be  sold  to  children  or  to 
drunkards ;  they  ought  not  to  be  sold  by  reckless  and  un- 
principled persons ;  the  places  of  sale  ought  to  be  closed 
within  certain  hours ;  there  ought  to  be  no  adulteration  of 
the  liquors  sold ;  dealers  who  break  the  laws  should  not 
only  be  punished,  but  also  forbidden  to  sell  again ;  drunk- 
enness perhaps  should  be  punished. 

License.  —  It  is  held  by  many  citizens  that  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  drinks,  like  that  of  drugs,  should  only  be  in 
the  hands  of  authorized  or  licensed  dealers.  As  the 
expense  to  the  community  from  drinking  habits  is  enor- 
mous, and  as  alcoholic  drinks  are  not  a  necessity,  but  a 
luxury,  the  license  to  sell  should  require  a  special  fee  or 
tax.  The  higher  this  license  tax  is  made,  the  smaller  the 
number  of  drinking-places  will  be,  and  the  more  careful 
the  licensed  dealers  will  be  to  obey  the  laws.  It  is  also  for 
their  interest  to  aid  the  police  to  close  unlicensed  places. 
License  laws  are  favored  by  those  who  hold  that  there  is  a 
proper  use  of  the  lighter  alcoholic  beverages,  as  well  as  a 
danger  of  abuse.  There  are  many,  also,  who,  believing 
such  beverages  to  be  injurious,  yet  favor  license  laws; 
partly  because  they  do  not  think  it  possible  to  prevent 
people  by  law  from  using  these  drinks,  and  partly  because, 
as  long  as  men  use  them,  it  seems  just  that  the  dealers 
should  be  made  to  bear  the  public  loss  which  results  from 
their  business. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  the  liquor  traffic  on  the  whole 
works  evil,  the  State  ought  not  to  sanction  it  by  granting 


292  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

licenses,  as  it  is  not  willing  to  license  lotteries.  Moreover, 
it  is  thought  to  be  undemocratic  to  permit  the  rich  to  sell 
liquors,  but  to  forbid  the  poor,  who  cannot  afford  to  pay 
the  license  fee. 

The  drinking-saloon.  —  The  saloon  is  a  place  where 
almost  nothing  is  sold  except  intoxicating  drinks.  It  i.; 
well  known  that  these  drinks  have  their  most  injurious 
effect  when  taken  without  food.  The  saloons  naturally 
become  the  resort  of  the  most  idle  and  worthless.  There 
is  a  strong  feeling  in  the  United  States  that  they  are  a 
public  nuisance  and  ought  somehow  to  be  abolished.  It 
has  not  been  found  easy,  however,  to  make  a  law  to  close 
the  drinking-saloons  while  restaurants  and  hotels  are  still 
permitted  to  sell  liquors. 

Prohibition.  —  Many  persons  who  see  the  great  harm  in 
the  alcoholic  drinks  hold  that  laws  ought  to  be  made  to 
prevent  their  sale,  except  strictly  for  mechanical  or  medi- 
cinal purposes.  They  would  not  only  have  all  drinking- 
saloons  closed;  no  hotels  should  furnish  wine  to  their 
guests ;  no  grocers  should  sell  it  to  their  customers.  In 
some  States,  as  Maine  and  Kansas,  laws  have  been  passed 
to  this  effect.  The  same  States  have  also  made  amend- 
ments to  their  constitutions,  forbidding  the  manufacture 
or  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks.  Many  citizens  aim  at  a 
similar  amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States. 

It  is  always  unfortunate,  however,  when  any  new  law 
touching  men's  customs  and  habits  has  to  be  passed  over 
the  protest  of  a  large  minority  of  the  people,  who  have  not 
been  persuaded  of  the  merits  of  the  law.  It  is  specially 
unfortunate  if  many  of  those  who  vote  for  the  law  do  not 
actually  keep  it  themselves.  For  these  reasons  the  prohib- 
itory  laws   have    largely    failed    so    far   of    enforcement, 


THE   PROBLEMS   OF  TEMPERANCE.  293 

except  in  communities  where  public  opinion  already  con- 
demns drinking-liabits. 

Public  control  of  the  liquor  traffic.  —  The  wish  to 
make  money  tempts  the  liquor-dealers  to  try  to  sell  as 
much  liquor  as  they  can,  and  to  sell  to  persons  who  ought 
not  to  touch  it.  A  plan  has  therefore  been  proposed  to 
put  this  dangerous  traffic  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
government,  so  that  it  shall  not  be  for  any  one's  interest  to 
get  profit  from  it.  The  truth  is,  that  there  is  always  some 
need  of  alcohol  for  science,  and  in  the  arts,  and  for  the  al- 
coholic drinks  as  medicine,  and  for  the  aged.  As  long,  also, 
as  many  individuals  conscientiously  hold  the  old-fashioned 
ideas  about  the  use  of  wine  and  beer,  they  are  likely  to  in- 
sist upon  some  way  of  procuring  their  drinks,  and  will  even 
be  tempted  to  break  and  evade  the  laws,  if  the  laws  shut 
up  all  legitimate  ways  of  obtaining  them.  The  plan,  there- 
fore, is  that  the  government  shall  provide  or  license  certain 
places  where  the  alcoholic  drinks  may  be  purchased  under 
certain  strict  rules.  They  would  be  refused  altogether  to 
children  and  drunken  persons.  Otherwise  their  use  would 
be  left  to  every  one's  judgment  and  conscience,  with  which 
the  state  would  not  venture  to  meddle.  Harmless  drinks 
should  be  also  for  sale  at  the  same  places.  It  should  be 
for  the  interest  of  the  person  or  company  in  charge  of  the 
store  to  sell  these  other  drinks,  while  there  could  be  no 
private  profit  from  the  sale  of  any  intoxicating  beverage. 
This  plan  is  called  the  Gothenburg  system,  from  the 
Swedish  city,  where  it  was  first  adopted,  and  where  it  is 
thought  to  have  done  much  good  in  diminishing  intemper- 
ance. Another  form  of  this  system  is  in  successful  opera- 
tion in  Norway. 

Local  option.  —  In  some  States  the  experiment  has  been 
tried  of  permitting  each  town  or  city,  or  county,  to  de- 


294  THE   AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

termine  for  itself  whether  it  Avill  license  or  prohibit 
the  sale  of  intoxicating  drinks.  Thus  where  public  opin- 
ion is  already  strong  against  drinking-habits,  the  people 
can  vote  to  shut  up  the  saloons  and  can  require  their 
officers  to  enforce  the  law.  But  where  public  opinion  still 
runs  in  the  other  direction,  in  great  towns  crowded  with 
ignorant  persons  or  with  immigrants  accustomed  to  foreign 
habits,  and  where,  therefore,  the  will  to  enforce  a  pro- 
hibitory law  is  lacking,  it  is  permitted  to  regulate  and 
license  the  sale  of  liquors  ;  if,  meanwhile,  any  city  becomes 
at  last  tired  of  its  liquor  saloons,  it  can  vote  to  tiy  the 
other  method.  Thus  by  various  experiments,  the  people 
can  learn  which  method  is  best  for  the  public  safety  and 
happiness. 

Moral  education.  —  Besides  the  change  in  the  drinking- 
habits  which  laws  aim  to  effect,  there  is  a  slow  growth  of 
public  opinion  which  works  to  make  people  temperate. 
The  evil  physical  effects  of  alcohol  are  coming  to  be  bet- 
ter known.  Drunkenness,  which  was  once  respectable,  is 
now  a  disgrace.  Large  numbers  of  persons  practise  total 
abstinence  and,  like  Benjamin  Franklin,  find  themselves 
stronger,  more  prosperous,  and  happier  in  consequence. 
Generous  young  men  see  that  it  is  a  poor  habit  for  the 
individual  which  is  bad  for  the  nation.  "  That  cannot  be 
good  for  the  bee  which  is  bad  for  the  hive." 


PART    FIFTH. 

INTERNATIONAL   DUTIES ;    OR,   THE  RiaSTS 
AND  DUTIES   OF  NATIONS. 


PART   FIFTH. 

INTERNATIONAL  DUTIES;    OR,   THE  RIQETS 
AN  J)  DUTIES   OF  NATIONS. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

INTERNATIONAL   LAW,  AND   HOW  IT  GROWS. 

Ancient  warfare.  —  \^  early  times  war  was  the  common 
condition  in  which  people  lived.  It  was  thought  right  to 
do  as  much  harm  as  possible  to  a  foreign  country.  A  weak 
nation  was  regarded  as  fair  prey  for  a  stronger  nation. 
Quarrels  were  always  breaking  out  between  neighboring 
peoples.  Prisoners  taken  in  war,  if  not  butchered,  were 
held  as  slaves.  Private  property  was  the  booty  of  the  vic- 
tors. On  the  sea,  men  were  even  more  inhumane  than  on 
the  land.  Ships  driven  on  shore  or  wrecked  were,  even 
to  a  quite  recent  period,  the  plunder  of  the  people  of  the 
country  on  whose  shores  they  were  driven.  The  foreign 
sailors  who  escaped  the  storm  were  liable  to  be  killed  if 
they  went  on  shore. 

International  jealousy.  —  War  was  not  the  only  evil 
which  kept  neighboring  nations  apart.  Men  used  also  to 
be  very  jealous  and  suspicious  of  foreigners,  as  well  as  of 
their  customs  and  religion :  they  did  not  welcome  foreign 
immigration.     It  was  thought  necessary  to  put  heavy  and 

297 


298  THE   AMERICAN    CITIZEN. 

costly  restrictions  on  foreign  trade.  It  was  believed  that 
money  ought  not,  under  any  circumstances,  to  be  sent  out 
of  the  country.  It  used  to  be  thought  desirable  to  have 
other  countries  poor. 

The  dawn  of  international  rights.  —  There  were  a  few 
circumstances  which  mitigated  the  horrors  of  ancient  war. 
It  was  early  held  that  the  persons  of  heralds  or  ambas- 
sadors were  sacred.  Though  the  dead  were  liable  to  be 
stripped  of  their  clothing  and  ornaments,  their  burial  was 
generally  permitted.  Sometimes  a  truce  was  agreed  upon 
for  this  purpose.  The  oppression  of  stronger  tribes  or 
nations  led  the  weaker  to  combine  in  confederations  and 
alliances.  These  alliances  were  celebrated  by  solemn  re- 
ligious oaths.  The  Greeks,  for  instance,  united  against 
the  Persians,  and  for  a  while  almost  stopped  fighting 
among  themselves.  The  vast  eaapires  of  the  Assyrians 
and  the  Persians  compelled  a  degree  of  peace  between 
the  subject  nations ;  and  increasing  travel  and  commerce 
brought  about  the  acquaintance  of  people  of  different  lan- 
guages. It  was  found  to  be  more  profitable  to  the  con- 
querors to  spare  the  conquered  than  to  destroy  them.  Thus 
the  power  of  Rome  was  built  up  by  a  wise  system  of  tol- 
erating the  customs  and  the  religion  of  her  subjects. 

Christianity.  —  When  Christianity  was  established  there 
was  a  new  bond  among  different  nations ;  for  everywhere 
there  were  Christians  pledged  to  befriend  each  other. 
Christianity,  however,  in  spite  of  its  benevolent  principles, 
did  not  succeed  in  making  nations  live  together  peaceably. 
On  the  contrary,  some  of  the  most  terrible  wars  came 
about  between  Christian  nations  and  over  religious  quar- 
rels. 

Popular  government.  —  At  last  in  certain  countries, 
and  especially  in  England,  the  people  came  to  have  politi- 


INTEKNATIONAL  LAW,   AND   HOW  IT   GROWS.        299 

cal  power.  While  before,  war  had  been  carried  on  merely 
for  the  benefit  of  the  rulers,  or  at  least  of  the  soldiers, 
now  the  rulers  were  obliged  to  have  some  form  of  consent 
from  the  people. 

Popular  intelligence.  —  Meanwhile,  the  people,  having 
learned  to  read  and  to  think,  had  become  more  intelligent, 
and  therefore  averse  to  war.  They  had  also  become  better 
acquainted  with  the  people  of  other  nations,  and  had  found 
out  their  good  qualities.  They  discovered  that  they  were 
richer  by  trading  than  by  fighting.  Moreover,  the  fact 
that  war  had  become  very  expensive  and  terribly  destruc- 
tive worked  to  abate  its  horroi-s,  since  even  bad  rulers 
feared  to  ask  their  people  to  pay  its  cost  or  run  the  risk  of 
failing  in  it.  The  growing  humanity  of  our  modern  times 
also  insisted  that  respect  should  be  paid,  in  case  of  war,  to 
the  property,  as  well  as  to  the  lives,  of  non-combatants  and 
private  citizens. 

Reciprocity  of  int:rects.  —  People  are  also  slowly  learn- 
ing that  it  is  for  their  own  advantage  that  their  foreign 
customers  should  be  prosperous,  and  therefore  able  to  buy 
more  goods  and  to  pay  their  debts.  As  it  is  desirable  to 
have  one's  foUow-citizens  well  off,  so  it  is  desirable  to  have 
all  the  different  families  of  nations  prosper  together. 

Thus  religion  and  self-interest,  as  well  as  the  general 
humanizing  influence  of  travel  and  commerce,  have  slowly 
tended  to  bring  nations  to  a  more  friendly  feeling  towards 
each  other,  and  even  when  war  arises,  to  preserve  some 
measure  of  respect  and  sympathy  towards  foes,  in  place  of 
the  ancient  hate  and  cruelty. 

The  new  sentiment.  —  The  change  which  has  come  to 
pass  in  the  relation  of  states  to  each  other  may  be  briefly 
expressed  as  follows :  Once  different  peoples  regarded  each 
other  as  enemies,  and  the  prosperity  of  one  was  thought  to 


300  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

be  the  injury  of  another.  Now  they  regard  each  other  as 
neighbors,  and  the  harm  of  one  nation  is  believed  to  be  a 
loss  to  all  the  others. 

International  law.  —  There  have  gradually  been  estab- 
lished, partly  through  treaties,  partly  by  the  precedents  of 
usage,  certain  rules  or  laws  governing  the  behavior  of 
nations  towards  each  other,  exactly  as  the  laws  of  a  state 
regulate  the  behavior  of  citizens.  International  law  is 
the  working  out  of  the  principles  of  justice  and  humanity 
among  neighboring  nations.  There  are  courts  in  each 
nation  which  have  the  important  duty  of  deciding  ques- 
tions of  international  law.  The  United  States  courts 
have  this  jurisdiction. 


THE   RIGHTS    OF   NATIONS.  301 


CHAPTER   XLIII. 

THE  RIGHTS   OF  NATIONS. 

The  three  purposes  of  international  law.  —  We  learned 
that  there  were  three  purposes  of  government,  —  protection 
from  enemies  abroad,  protection  from  the  injustice  of  fel- 
low-citizens, and  public  convenience.  International  law 
follows  three  similar  purposes. 

In  the  first  place,  it  unites  different  nations  against  com- 
mon enemies.  Thus  it  aims  to  suppress  piracy  and  the 
slave-trade.  It  has  rules  for  giving  up  dangerous  crimi- 
nals to  justice. 

In  the  second  place,  international  law  aims  to  secure  fair 
dealing  among  neighboring  nations.  There  are  certain  im- 
portant mutual  rights  and  duties  between  nations  wliich 
international  law  aims  to  define.  Thus  treaties  and  usage 
fix  and  preserve  the  sacredness  of  boundary  lines,  upon 
which  no  foreign  nation  has  a  right  to  trespass. 

Thirdly,  international  law  aims  at  the  general  con- 
venience. There  are  certain  objects  —  for  example,  a 
universal  postal  service  —  which  many  governments  unite 
to  secure.  Treaties  and  usage  also  serve  to  protect  travel- 
lers and  foreign  residents,  as  well  as  the  goods  of  foreign 
merchants,  in  all  civilized  countries.  Lighthouses  and 
coast  surveys  are  maintained  for  the  interest  of  the  com- 
merce of  the  world. 

The  diplomatic  service.  —  Ambassadors,  consuls,  and 
other  public  agents,  with  certain  powers  and  privileges 


302  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

attached  to  their  office,  are  recognized  by  foreign  govern- 
ments as  representing  the  rights  and  interests  of  their 
countrymen. 

Domestic  affairs.  —  Every  nation  has  a  right  to  manage 
its  affairs  without  dictation  from  other  nations.  If  France, 
for  example,  wants  a  president,  rather  than  a  king,  Eng- 
land and  Germany  have  no  right  to  interfere.  Likewise, 
in  the  American  Civil  War,  it  was  the  right  of  our  govern- 
ment to  settle  our  difficulties  without  interference  from 
other  countries.  This  is  the  same  kind  of  right  which  be- 
longs to  every  household  to  make  its  own  rules  without 
dictation  from  outside. 

Foreign  commerce  and  intercourse.  —  On  the  same 
principle,  every  nation  has  a  right,  if  it  is  judged  to  be 
best,  and  no  treaty  forbids,  to  exclude  the  people  or  the 
products  of  another  country.  China  has  thus  the  right  to 
forbid  Europeans  from  residing  in  her  territory,  or  to  shut 
out  British  opium.  When  we  say  that  the  Chinese  have 
a  right  to  exclude  foreigners,  we  do  not  decide  whether 
such  action  is  wise  or  righteous.  We  mean  that  the  Chi- 
nese have  a  right,  in  their  own  country,  not  to  be  molested 
by  other  nations.  So  likewise,  if  the  safety  of  our  insti- 
tutions could  be  proved  to  require  it,  we  should  have  the 
right  to  limit  foreign  immigration. 

The  custom-house.  —  A  nation  has  also  a  right  to 
require  taxes  or  custom-dues  upon  the  importation  of  for- 
eign goods,  and  to  make  its  own  rules  to  govern  foreign 
trade.  Thus  nearly  everything  Avhich  comes  into  our 
country  has  to  pay  a  high  duty  ;  partly  to  raise  the  reve- 
nue for  our  national  expenses,  and  partly  because  a  major- 
ity of  those  who  make  our  laws  believe  that  it  is  for  the 
interests  of  our  })eople  to  make  foreign  cloth,  books,  iron, 
etc.,  so  costly  that  our  people  will  be  obliged  to  buy  the 


THE   RIGHTS   OF  NATIONS.  303 

products  of  our  own  industries.  This  "  protection,"  as  it  is 
called,  diminishes  trade  with  foreign  nations ;  but  they  have 
no  right,  because  their  trade  is  injured,  or  because  they 
think  our  laws  foolish,  to  compel  us  to  admit  their  goods  free. 

Maritime  rights. — It  is  the  right  of  every  nation, 
while  at  peace,  that  her  ships  should  sail  the  seas  without 
molestation.  That  is  to  say,  the  ocean  is  recognized  as  the 
great  common  highway,  free  to  all.  The  fisheries  also, 
except  close  to  shore,  are  common  international  property. 
The  right  to  the  seas  is  limited,  however,  by  certain  condi- 
tions of  international  law.  A  ship  has  no  right,  for 
instance,  to  be  engaged  in  the  slave-trade,  or  to  carry 
material  of  war  to  belligerent  nations.  As  soon  as  a  ship 
leaves  the  open  sea  and  comes  to  land  or  into  a  harbor, 
she  must  regard  the  rules  of  the  country. 

Rights  of  travel  and  of  foreign  residence.  —  It  is  the 
right  of  every  nation  that  her  citizens,  so  far  as  they  are 
allowed  to  travel  or  to  reside  in  other  countries,  should 
have  as  ample  protection  of  life  and  property  as  is  afforded 
to  the  citizens  of  those  countries.  If  an  American  resides 
in  Germany  or  Japan,  he  is  entitled,  like  a  guest  in  a 
house,  to  the  same  care  which  the  German  or  Japanese 
government  gives  any  of  its  own  people. 

Authors*  and  inventors'  rights.  —  It  is  generally  held 
that  writers  and  inventors  are  entitled  to  some  compensa- 
tion for  their  work  from  the  public,  which  they  instruct, 
entertain,  or  profit.  This  compensation  is  given  in  the 
form  of  copyrights  upon  books  or  patents  upon  inventions. 
If  such  compensation  is  justly  due  from  the  country  in 
which  the  author  or  inventor  lives,  there  is  no  reason  why 
it  should  not  also  be  due  from  any  other  country  which 
uses  the  inventions  or  reads  the  books.  The  proposed 
system  of  international  patents  and  copyrights  has  its  rise 
in  this  principle. 


304  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 


CHAPTER   XLIV. 

THE    DUTIES   OF   NATIONS. 

Obvious  or  recognized  duties.  —  There  are  certain  obvi- 
ous duties  which  nations  owe  each  other,  such  as  keeping 
treaties  and  observing  the  usages  and  forms  which,  like 
good  manners  among  neighbors,  promote  convenience  and 
friendly  feeling.  It  follows  that  each  government  ought 
to  forbid  its  people  to  do  harm  to  the  persons  or  property 
of  another  nation.  Thus  in  our  Civil  War  it  was  the  duty 
of  the  British  government  to  forbid  shipbuilders  to  fit  out 
privateers,  like  the  "  Alabama,"  to  prey  on  our  commerce. 

Duties  of  honor.  —  Besides  duties  already  recognized  by 
treaty  and  custom,  there  are  further  duties,  which  grow 
out  of  the  principle  that  all  nations  are  neighbors.  The 
barbarous  way  was  to  make  laws  against  foreigners  as  ene- 
mies. A  nation  did  right,  therefore,  it  was  thought,  to 
rob  them  if  it  could,  through  its  laws  and  taxes,  of  their 
share  in  trade.  On  the  contrary,  the  laws  of  a  nation 
ought  not  only  to  secure  the  rights  of  its  own  citizens,  but 
also  to  regard  the  interests  of  foreigners. 

As  laws  ought  not  to  be  designed  to  interfere  to  give 
any  class  or  individual  more  than  a  fair  share,  so  they 
ought  not  to  be  designed  to  interfere  with  the  natural 
working  of  the  law  of  supply  and  demand,  in  order  to 
give  a  nation  more  than  its  share  as  compared  with  its 
neighbors.  This  is  not  only  justice ;  it  is  for  the  interest 
of  a  nation  to  deal  fairly  with  its  neighbors;  for,  as  we 


THE   DUTIES   OF   NATIONS.  305 

have  seen,  the  wealth  of  one  nation  is  not  gained  out  of 
the  losses  of  its  neighbors,  but  out  of  their  wealth.  It 
is  therefore  desirable,  so  far  as  laws  and  taxes  can  be 
so  arranged,  to  increase  the  prosperity  of  neighboring 
nations  rather  than  to  diminish  it. 

The  duties  of  nations  towards  their  colonies.  —  Cer- 
tain races,  as  the  Greeks  in  old  times,  and  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  in  modern  times,  have  spread  over  the  world  by 
planting  colonies.  Thus  the  United  States  were  first  set- 
tled by  colonies  ;  and  our  Western  Territories  to-day  may 
be  considered  as  colonies  from  the  older  parts  of  the  coun- 
try. It  is  the  duty  of  a  nation  to  protect  its  colonists  from 
foreign  enemies  and  savages,  and  to  establish  as  rapidly  as 
possible  settled  government.  It  should  be  the  aim  of  the 
parent  state  to  raise  the  colony  to  self-support  and  self 
government.  If  the  colony,  when  established,  remains  a 
part  of  the  older  nation,  it  is  entitled  to  fair  representation 
in  the  general  government.  It  ought  then  to  meet  its 
proportionate  share  of  the  general  expense. 

The  duties  of  civilized  nations  to  the  less  civilized.  — 
The  duties  of  nations  to  each  other  are  complicated  by  the 
fact  that  large  parts  of  the  world  are  still  possessed  hy 
barbarous  or  half -civilized  people.  Such  nations  either  do 
not  recognize  international  obligations  at  all,  or  could  not 
be  depended  upon  to  keep  them. 

Among  so-called  civilized  nations,  moreover,  conduct  is 
still  often  dictated  by  jealousy  or  enmity  of  other  nations. 
There  is  thus  a  vast  difference  of  level  between  the  ideas, 
the  customs,  and  the  prosperity  of  different  nations.  It  is 
therefore  claimed  by  some  that  certairt  temporary  guards 
and  defences  may  have  to  be  put  up  by  the  laws  of  a  country 
against  the  operation  of  bad  laws  and  customs  elsewhere. 
Thus  ignorant  foreign  immigrants,  like    the   Chinese,  it 


306  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

is  said,  might  come  to  this  country  in  such  numbers  as  to 
endanger  our  institutions,  and  might  therefore  need  to  be 
restricted.  Or  the  cheap  labor  of  underpaid  foreign  work- 
men, it  is  claimed,  might  threaten  to  lower  the  wages  and 
prosperity  of  our  working  people.  So,  too,  the  serious 
misgovernment  or  anarchy  of  a  half-civilized  state,  some 
think,  may  call  for  intervention  from  outside,  not  only  for 
the  interests  of  foreign  residents,  but  also  for  the  sake  of 
the  oppressed  native  people. 

To  these  things  it  may  be  answered  that,  as  a  rule,  it  is 
better  to  trust  men  than  to  be  afraid  of  them ;  that  the 
more  intelligent  need  least  to  fear  the  power  or  competi- 
tion of  the  ignorant ;  and  that  it  is  even  more  dangerous 
for  nations  than  for  neighbors  to  meddle  and  interfere  with 
each  other's  affairs. 

The  duties  of  nations  towards  tribes  of  savages.  — 
Most  of  the  great  nations  of  the  world  have,  either  in  their 
own  territory  or  among  their  colonies,  various  barbarous 
tribes.  Such  tribes  cannot  justly  be  said  to  own  the  land 
over  which  they  only  roam  and  hunt.  They  have  no  right, 
therefore,  to  prevent  settlers  who  will  use  the  land  from 
coming  to  it.  On  the  other  hand,  the  savages  have  cer- 
tain rights  which  deserve  consideration.  The  proper  treat- 
ment of  these  rights  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  problems. 

It  is  the  duty  of  a  nation  to  give  the  same  treatment  to 
the  savages  within  its  borders  that  it  gives  to  other  men. 
Its  duty  is  to  protect  them  in  the  rights  which  they  have 
in  common  with  all  men ;  as,  for  instance,  in  ownership  of 
the  lands  which  they  actually  occupy  or  cultivate.  It 
is  a  duty  to  afford  suitable  education  to  the  children  of  the 
savage  people,  that  they  may  adapt  themselves  to  the 
change  of  life  which  civilization  brings.  The  savages 
ought  to  be  allowed  to  acquire  independent  property,  as 


THE  DUTIES   OF  NATIONS.  307 

others  do ;  and  upon  proper  qualification  they  ought  to  be 
given  a  share  in  the  government.  On  the  contrary,  it  is 
not  a  duty  to  recognize  savage  tribes  as  sovereign  nations, 
and  it  is  wrong  to  give  them  rations  and  presents,  which 
degrade  and  pauperize  them. 

Our  Indian  wards.  —  There  are  more  than  a  quarter  of 
a  million  of  Indians,  mostly  in  the  Western  States,  the 
Indian  and  other  Territories,  and  in  Alaska,  with  whom 
our  government  has  had  peculiar  relations. 

Most  of  these  Indians  have  had  assigned  to  them  reser- 
vations, or  great  tracts  of  land.  Sometimes  they  have  been 
removed  to  these  reservations  by  our  armies  after  a  war ; 
or  the  reservations  have  been  secured  by  peaceful  treaty 
on  the  part  of  our  government.  Frequently  the  govern- 
ment has  also  promised  money  or  rations  to  support  the 
Indians,  or  to  pay  them  for  giving  up  lands  which  the 
white  people  wanted  to  settle  upon.  Thus  the  Indians 
have  been  pushed  further  west,  and  have  been  confined 
within  narrower  limits,  while  the  buffaloes  and  game  or 
which  they  once  subsisted  have  disappeared. 

The  government  has  appointed,  through  the  office  of  th«^ 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  agents  for  the  reservations,  to 
furnish  supplies  and  to  look  after  the  interests  of  the 
Indians,  as  if  they  were  wards  of  the  nation.  White 
persons  were  forbidden  to  settle  upon  the  reservations  or 
to  trade  with  the  Indians. 

Our  government  meant  to  do  justly  and  to  make  the 
Indians  comfortable.  But  the  reservation  system  made 
them  miserable  paupers.  They  came  to  depend  upon  the 
rations  of  the  government.  They  were  often  given  very- 
poor  land,  which  they  could  not  cultivate ;  and  no  indi- 
vidual had  any  land  of  his  own.  If  they  had  anything  to 
sell,  they  were  shut  away  by  the  boundary  of  the  reserva- 


308  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

tion  from  bringing  it  to  market.  If  they  were  wronged, 
they  could  not  go  to  court  to  obtain  justice  as  citizens,  or 
even  as  foreigners  may.  Often,  too,  the  agent  was  a  bad 
man  who  used  his  office  to  make  himself  rich  by  stealing 
from  the  supplies  meant  for  the  Indians.  Thus  millions 
of  dollars  have  been  benevolently  expended  in  doing  more 
harm  than  good. 

New  methods  of  treating  the  Indians.  —  The  policy  of 
the  government  is  now  being  changed  in  several  directions. 
Many  schools  have  been  established  in  which  to  educate  the 
Indian  children  in  various  industries.  Plans  have  been 
made  to  divide  their  land  and  to  give  them  land  "  in  sever- 
alty " ;  that  is,  private  ownership  of  their  farms,  such  as 
white  men  enjoy.  As  fast  as  this  is  done  there  will  be  no 
need  of  the  reservations,  or  the  agents,  but  the  Indians  can 
go  with  their  products  to  market,  and  can  buy  and  sell 
like  others.  They  can  also  go  to  the  courts  to  get  justice. 
They  can  have  a  vote  and  be  citizens  on  the  same  conditions 
as  others.  There  will  not  be  tribes  any  longer  or  chiefs, 
but  the  Indians,  like  the  negroes  in  the  South,  will  become 
a  part  of  the  nation. 


WAR   AND   ARBITRATION.  309 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

WAR  AND  ARBITRATION;    PATRIOTISM. 

War  establishments.  —  In  barbarous  countries  every 
free  man  is  supposed  to  be  a  soldier ;  in  civilized  nations 
there  is  a  standing  army  even  in  times  of  peace.  In  several 
countries  the  army  is  numbered  by  hundreds  of  thousands 
of  men.  Besides  the  enormous  cost  of  supporting  armies 
and  their  equipments,  most  nations  also  maintain  expensive 
fortifications  and  ships  of  war.  Hardly  a  year  passes  in 
which,  in  some  part  of  the  world,  there  is  not  a  war.  The 
preparation  for  war  is  thought  to  be  one  of  the  chief  duties 
of  a  government  in  time  of  peace.  In  fact,  the  larger  part 
of  the  taxes  of  the  nations,  to  the  amount  of  more  than 
two  thousand  millions  of  dollars  a  year,  goes  for  war  ex- 
penses and  to  pay  the  interest  of  war  debts. 

The  reason  for  war.  —  When  one  man  injures  another, 
or  a  difference  arises  between  them,  there  are  courts  which 
will  give  justice.  When,  however,  a  difference  arises  be- 
tween nations,  or  one  nation  injures  another,  there  are  no 
courts,  and  the  injured  nation  must  suffer,  unless  it  is 
strong  enough  to  enforce  its  rights.  There  are  also  no 
pohce  among  nations  to  prevent  one  people  from  attacking 
another.  The  necessity  of  war,  therefore,  grows  out  of 
the  fact  that  a  nation  cannot  call  upon  any  higher  power 
to  protect  it,  but  must  defend  itself.  Thus  nations  have 
to  deal  with  their  quarrels  and  disputes  as  individuals 
used  to  do  before  there  were  courts  or  police. 


310  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Just  and  unjust  war.  —  A  just  war  is  one  in  which  a 
nation  defends  itself,  or  protects  the  rights  of  its  people  or 
of  its  allies.  A  just  war  must  be  for  necessity,  liberty,  or 
principle.  It  was  a  just  war  when  England  beat  off  the 
great  Spanish  Armada  in  the  reign  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 
An  unjust  war  is  one  in  which  a  nation  engages  for  plun- 
der, or  to  increase  its  territory,  or  for  national  glory,  or  for 
any  other  reason  than  necessity,  liberty,  or  principle. 

The  laws  of  war.  —  As  a  man,  if  obliged  to  defend 
himself  against  a  quarrelsome  neighbor,  is  not  justified  in 
doing  unnecessary  injury  to  life  or  property,  or  in  showing 
malice  and  rancor,  so  when  nations  are  drawn  into  war,  it 
is  not  only  cruel  to  do  needless  violence  to  the  lives  and 
property. of  the  people,  but  it  is  also  for  the  interest  of 
the  nations  at  war  that  nothing  shall  be  done  to  prevent 
friendly  intercourse  from  being  resumed  as  soon  as  possible. 
Policy  and  humanity,  therefore,  alike  forbid  malevolent  or 
needlessly  destructive  methods  of  war.  The  international 
laws  of  war,  sanctioned  partly  by  usage  and  partly  by 
treaties,  and  still  imperfect,  may  be  considered  an  attempt 
to  restrain  the  evils  of  war.  These  laws,  for  example, 
forbid  the  use  of  poison  against  an  enemy,  or  of  assassina- 
tion, or  of  banditti,  or  of  guerillas,  or  of  savage  allies. 
They  forbid  prisoners  to  be  put  to  death,  and  require  care 
for  the  wounded.  They  respect  private  property  and  the 
persons  of  non-combatants,  as  well  as  public  buildings, 
libraries,  and  works  of  art.  They  forbid  the  wanton  de- 
struction of  towns.  So  on  the  seas,  international  law 
respects  the  right  of  neutral  vessels,  except  when  carrying 
"contraband  of  war."  Certain  nations  already  have  agreed 
among  themselves  to  abolish  privateering.  There  is  a 
strong  feeling  also  against  the  injustice  of  annexing  foreign 
territory  in  war  without  the  consent  of  the  inhabitants. 


WAR   AND   ARBITEATION.  811 

Thus  while  in  old  times  it  used  to  be  thought  right  to  do 
the  utmost  possible  harm  to  an  enemy,  modern  warfare 
aims  to  do  the  least  harm  compatible  with  securing  a  just 
and  permanent  peace. 

Arbitration.  —  Ignorant  or  barbarous  people  fight ;  in- 
telligent people  settle  their  differences  peaceably.  Thu.-s 
neighbors  often  agree  to  settle  a  dispute  by  reference  to  a 
committee  of  their  friends.  So  nations,  instead  of  going 
to  war,  sometimes  agree  to  leave  a  question  to  the  decision 
of  umpires.  Thus  the  question  of  the  Alabama  Claims  was 
amicably  settled  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States. 

An  international  court  of  appeal.  —  There  is  no  reason 
why  all  questions  between  civilized  nations  should  not  be 
settled  without  the  barbarous  method  of  war.  There  might 
be  a  permanent  international  court  of  appeal,  to  which  all 
differences  among  nations  should  be  referred.  All  civilized 
governments  would  bind  themselves  to  abide  by  the  decision 
of  this  court,  as  civilized  men  are  now  bound  by  the  laws 
of  the  land.  The  power  of  all  nations  would  be  pledged,  if 
necessary,  to  enforce  international  law.  The  great  war  estab- 
lishments would  be  mostly  abolished,  and  nations  would 
adopt  the  higher  law  of  treating  each  other  as  neighbors. 

Patriotism  and  the  national  flag.  —  It  is  natural  that 
every  person  should  have  a  special  feeling  towards  his  own 
country.  If  his  forefathers  have  lived  there,  if  the  nation 
has  had  a  memorable  history,  if  the  laws  and  institutions 
have  helped  to  secure  freedom  and  prosperity,  he  may  be 
expected  to  have  a  sense  of  affection  and  loyalty  to  his 
native  land.  This  feeling  is  patriotism.  It  leads  one  to 
prefer  the  good  of  the  whole  country  to  the  good  of  only 
one  State.  It  removes  the  lines  of  north  or  south,  and  east 
-  or  west,  since  all  sections  belong  to  the  common  country. 


312  THE   AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

Patriotism  also  leads  a  citizen  to  wish  to  see  his  nation 
strong,  prosperous,  and  honored  among  the  family  of 
nations.  The  national  flag  is  the  emblem  of  the  common 
government,  and  with  Americans,  of  the  union  of  all  the 
States.  The  patriot  loves  to  see  it  flying  over  the  public 
buildings  and  on  ships  in  distant  ports. 

A  citizen's  duty  and  responsibility  bind  him  to  his  own 
country,  as  family  ties  bind  him  to  be  faitliful  to  his  own 
relatives.  But  while  patriotism  urges  us  to  seek  the 
interest  of  our  own  country,  it  never  requires  us  to  serve 
our  own  country  to  the  injury  or  loss  of  other  nations. 
It  is  not  patriotism  to  cry,  "  My  country,  right  or  wrong," 
or  to  help  and  uphold  one's  government  in  doing  injustice 
to  another  country.  Thus  it  was  patriotism  in  the  famous 
Englishman,  John  Bright,  when  he  resigned  his  place  in 
the  government  because  he  was  unwilling  to  help  carry  on 
an  unrighteous  war  in  Egypt.  Patriotism  makes  us  wish 
to  see  our  nation  strong,  but  it  ought  not  to  make  us 
wish  to  see  other  nations  poor  and  unhappy ;  as  it  would 
be  mean  in  a  boat-race  to  wish  for  the  victory  of  one's  own 
crew  through  accident  or  sickness  in  the  other  crews. 

Citizens  by  adoption.  —  Patriotism  does  not  always 
require  a  citizen  to  be  a  native  of  his  country.  Thus 
millions  of  people  have  emigrated  to  America,  as  the 
fathers  of  all  the  rest  once  came,  choosing  to  make  this 
land  their  home.  Many  of  these  people  have  been  poor  or 
oppressed  in  their  native  land,  and  have  come  here  to  seek 
equal  rights.  These  citizens  of  foreign  birth  may  feel  a 
peculiar  patriotism  towards  the  new  land,  which  has  given 
them  a  home  and  the  privileges  of  citizenship  on  easy^ 
terms.  They  have  repeatedly  proved  their  loyalty  to  the 
land  of  their  adoption,  and  their  willingness  to  die  in 
following  its  flag.     Neither  need  a  man  cease  to  love  his  • 


WAR   AND   ARBITRATION.  313 

old  home  and  the  fatherland  because  he  makes  a  new  home 
across  the  sea.  Thus  English,  and  Irish,  and  German 
Americans  continue  after  coming  here  to  interest  them- 
selves in  the  welfare  of  their  native  country,  as  well  as  in 
the  good  of  America. 

The  common  humanity.  —  Civilization  means  that  men 
like  each  other  more,  the  better  they  are  acquainted.  Relig- 
ion means  the  same.  While  the  ignorant  and  bad  distrust 
or  fear  each  other,  the  intelligent  and  noble  see  the  good  in 
strangers  and  foreigners.  To  use  a  fine  old  Roman  saying, 
they  deem  that  nothing  human  is  foreign.  As  we  find  out, 
therefore,  that  no  State  in  America  can  suffer  without  the 
other  States  suffering  also,  since  all  are  bound  up  together, 
so  we  learn  that  no  country  in  the  world  can  be  poor  or 
wretched  alone,  for  the  interests  of  all  men  are  alike. 

Summary.  —  We  have  seen  that  all  matters  of  business 
or  government  are  interwoven  with  questions  of  right  and 
wrong.  No  one  can  even  make  a  mistake  or  blunder, 
much  less  do  an  injustice,  in  the  conduct  of  his  affairs, 
without  spreading  harm  or  loss  to  others.  On  the  other 
hand,  no  one  conquers  honest  success  for  himself  alone. 
Much  more  in  politics  the  wrong-doing  or  negligence  of  a 
single  individual  reacts  against  the  welfare  of  the  whole 
state,  as  the  public  spirit  of  one  or  a  few  keeps  the  state 
safe.  But  it  is  often  costly  to  do  right,  and  the  gain  seems 
far  away  or  likely  to  come  to  others,  but  not  to  one's  self ; 
while  the  wrong  promises  for  the  present  to  be  more  easy 
and  convenient;  as  when  one  is  building  a  house,  if  he 
thinks  only  of  the  present  labor  and  expense,  it  is  cheaper 
not  to  put  in  an  honest  foundation  and  sound  timber.  But 
if  he  thinks  of  others,  foresees  the  coming  storms,  and 
understands  the  laws  of  architecture,  the  right  way  to 
build  seems  then  the  only  possible  one. 


314  THE  AMERICAN   CITIZEN. 

A  bit  of  philosophy.  —  There  are  various  reasons  given 
why  we  ought  to  do  right.  Some  of  them  are  long  and 
difficult  to  understand ;  but  one  thing  is  quite  certain  and 
simple,  although  very  wonderful.  There  is  in  every  right- 
minded  person  a  conscience,  or  sense  of  duty,  which  urges 
us,  as  soon  as  we  are  shown  what  is  right,  to  do  it;  or, 
when  a  thing  seems  wrong,  to  refuse  it.  If,  then,  we  dis- 
obey conscience  and  do  selfish,  unjust,  disgraceful,  or  base 
things,  we  presently  lose  the  power  and  will  to  do  right; 
as  the  tree  that  is  bent  loses  the  power  of  growing  straight. 
It  is  as  though  a  disease  had  seized  upon  us,  bringing  pain 
and  disquiet,  or  blindness  and  decay.  Whereas,  if  we 
follow  the  bidding  of  conscience,  strength,  restfulness,  and 
gladness  attend  us.  It  is  as  if  conscience  was  the  organ 
of  moral  health  and  soundness,  as  the  heart  governs  the 
circulation  of  the  blood. 

Conscience  also  binds  us,  through  just  and  friendly  acts, 
to  cordial,  generous,  and  helpful  relations  with  our  fellow- 
men.  It  will  not  let  us  hate,  despise,  or  desert  them. 
Thus,  as  each  man's  conscience  has  free  course,  human 
society  works  together  in  health  and  happiness.  But  dis- 
obedience to  conscience  represses  sympathy,  separates  us 
from  each  other,  and  locks  us  up  each  one  by  himself,  like 
criminals  in  their  solitary  cells.  When,  therefore,  any 
one's  conscience  is  repressed,  it  is  as  if  one  of  the  little 
valves  of  a  great  engine  failed  to  work. 

This  is  not  all.  Duty  is  one  of  the  great  and  constant 
forces  of  the  universe.  It  is  stronger  than  any  man,  or  all 
the  men  who  live.  Whoever  obeys,  though  no  one  else  is 
Avith  him,  is  sustained,  as  if  the  universe  were  on  his  side. 
For  we  know  that  whatever  is  right,  or  ought  to  be,  must 
come  in  the  end:  those  who  help  it  will  succeed;  those 
who  resist  it  will  fail  and  be  forgotten.     For  justice  and 


WAR   AND  ARBITEATION.  315 

right  are  at  the  foundation  of  the  world.  We  must  do 
right,  then,  if  we  want  to  go  with  the  victorious  forces 
that  make  life  and  health  both  for  each  individual  and  for 
all  mankind. 

The  higher  conscience.  —  There  are  two  kinds  of  con- 
science in  men.  One  kind  is  like  an  engine  built  to  di'aw 
a  train  on  a  level  track.  It  simply  keeps  one  up  "to  the 
duties  which  habit,  custom,  convenience,  or  expediency 
requires.  The  man  with  this  lower  power  of  conscience 
is  apt  to  ask  at  every  question  or  crisis :  What  will  other 
men  say  or  do  ? 

The  higher  kind  of  conscience  is  like  the  powerful 
engine  which  can  lift  its  load  up  a  steep  grade.  It  does 
not  go  by  convenience,  but  by  the  standard  of  right.  It 
does  not  ask  what  the  custom  is,  but  what  it  ought  to  be  ; 
not  what  others  do,  but  what  is  right.  The  men  and 
women  who  have  this  kind  of  conscience  are  those  who 
help  make  the  nation  strong :  out  of  their  list  come  the 
heroes,  reformers,  and  statesmen. 


BOOKS   FOR   REFERENCE. 


[Books  marked  by  the  asterisk  are  specially  recommended.] 


Congressional  Government.     By  Woodrow    Wilson.      Houghton, 
Mifflin  &  Co. 

*The  State.     By  Woodrow  Wilsox.     D.  C.  Heath  &  Co. 

♦The  American  Commonwealth.     By  James  Bryce.     2  volumes. 
Macniillan  &  Co. 
This  is  a  most  comprehensive  and  sympathetic  account  of  our  institutions. 

The  Nation.     By  Elisha  Mulford,  LL.D.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 

*Our  Government :  How  it  grew,  What  it  does,  and  How  it  does  it. 
By  Jesse  Macy.     Ginn  &  Co. 

♦Civil  Government  in  the  United  States.    By  John  Fiske.    Hough- 
ton, Mifflin  &  Co. 

Mr.  Fiske's  hook  gives  a  very  clear  view  of  the  origin  and  growth  of  Ameri- 
can institutions. 

Analysis  of  Civil  Government.     By  Calvin  Townsend. 

Shorter  Course  in  Civil  Government.    By  the  same  author.    Ameri- 
can Book  Co. 

*How  We  are  governed.    By  Anna  Laurens  Dawes.    D.  Lothrop 
Co. 

Politics,  an  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Comparative  Constitutional 
Law.     By  W.  W.  Crane  and  Bernard  Moses.     Putnam's  Sons. 

A  Short  History  of  Anglo-Saxon  Freedom.    By  James  K.  Hosmer. 

Charles  Scribner's  Sons. 

The  Ancient  City.     By  De  Coulanges.    Lee  &  Shepard. 

The  American  Statesmen  Series.    Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 

517 


318  BOOKS   FOR    REFERENCE. 

More's  Utopia.     Edited  by  J.  Rawsox  Lumby.    Cambridge  (Eng.) 
University  Press. 

The  Statesman's  Year  Book.    Macmillan  &  Co. 

Whittaker's  Almanac. 


♦Political  Economy.     By  Francis  A.  Walker.    Henry  Holt  &  Co. 

Either  the  larger  book  by  General  Walker,  president  of  the  Institute  of 
Technology  in  Boston,  or  the  more  elementary  work,  makes  an  excellent  intro- 
duction to  the  study  of  Political  Economy. 

An  Introduction  to  Political  Economy.     By  Prof.  Richard  T.  Ely, 
of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University.     Chautauqua  Press. 

♦Principles  of  Political  Economy.    Gide.    D.  C.  Heath  &  Co. 

Political  Economy.      An  elementary  text-book  of  the  economics  of 
commerce.     By  E.  C.  K.  Gonxer.     R.  Sutton  &  Co.,  London. 

♦Political  Economy.     By  J.  E.  Symes.     Rivingtons,  London. 

Elementary  Politics.    By  Thomas  Raleigh.   Henry  Frowde,  London. 

These  last  three  are  little  books,  but  thoughtful,  simple  in  style,  and  inex- 
pensive. 

Problems  in  Political  Economy.    By  Prof.  W.  G.  Sumnbr,  of  Tale 

College. 

Manual  of  Political  Economy.    By  Henry  Fawcett. 

Business.    By  James  Platt. 

Money.     By  the  same  author.     Putnam's  Sons. 

Natural  Law  in  the  Business  World.    By  Henry  Wood.     Lee  & 

Shepard. 

Work  and  Wages.     By  Thorold  Rogers.    Putnam's  Sons. 

This  book  gives  a  very  interesting  account  of  the  industrial  history  of 
England. 

Recent  Economic  Changes.     By  David  A.  Wells.    Putnam's  Sons. 

Economics  of  Industry.     By  A.  and  M.  P.  Marshall.    Macmillan 
&Co. 


BOOKS   FOR   REFERENCE.  319 

Social  Problems.     By  Henry  George.     Kegan  Paul,  Trench  &  Co. 

Mr.  George's  books  are  from  the  point  of  view  of  one  who  believes  that  he 
has  a  cure  for  many  social  and  political  evils  through  "  the  single  tax  "  upon 
land. 

Economic  and  Social  History  of  New  England.        2  volumes.    By 
Wm.  B.  Weeden.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 

The  Publications  of  the  American  Economic  Association. 

The  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics.    Published  at  Cambridge. 

Everyday  Business,     By  ]\I.  S.  Emery.     Lee  &  Shepard. 

*A  Plain  Man's  Talk  on  the  Labor  Question.    By  Simon  Newcomb. 
Harpers. 

Socialism,  New  and  Old.     By  Wm.  Graham.    D.  Appleton  &  Co.     ' 

French  and  German  Socialism.    By  Richard  T.  Ely.    Harpers. 

Profit-Sharing  between  Employer  and  Employee.    By  N.  P.  Gilman. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 
Mr.  Oilman's  book  gives  a  clear  and  interesting  account  of  the  history  and 
working  of  this  method. 

Co-operative  Savings  and  Loan  Associations.    By  Seymour  Dexter. 
D.  Appleton  &  Co. 
This  book  is  an  authority  upon  the  Co-operative  Banks. 

Trades  Unions :  their  Origin  and  Objects,  Influence  and  Efficacy.    By 
Wm.  Trant.     Kegan  Paul,  Trench  &  Co. 


*How  to  Help  the  Poor.     By  Mrs.  James  T.  Fields.      Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co. 

Pauperism,  Its  Causes  and  Remedies.    By  Henry  Fawcett.    Mac- 

millan  &  Co. 

Crime,  Its  Causes  and  Remedy.     By  Gordon  Rylands.    T.  Fisher 
Unwin,  London. 

The  Publications  of  the  National  Prison  Association. 


320  BOOKS    FOR    EEFERENCE. 

Notes  of  Lessons  on  Moral  Subjects.     By  Fkederick  W.  Hockwood. 
T.  Nelson  &  Sons,  London  and  New  York. 

Lessons  on  Manners.     By  Edith  E.  Wiggin.     Lee  &  Shepard. 

♦Politics for  Young  Americans.     By  Chaules  Xohdiioff.     Harpers. 
This  is  a  very  useful  book  iu  the  form  of  letters  from  a  father  to  his  son. 

Talks  about  Law.     By  E.  P.  Dole.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co. 

Introduction  to  the  Study  of  International  Law.     By  Theodore  D. 

WOOLSEY. 

The  Readers'  Guide  to  Economic,  Social  and  Political  Subjects.    Pub- 
lished for  the  Society  for  Political  Education. 

This  last  work  will  enable  one  to  find  the  authorities  upon  any  subject 
which  he  wishes  to  pursue  tlioroughly. 

Mr.  John  Fiske's  "  Civil  Government "  contains  a  useful  list  of  books.  So 
also  does  Woodrow  Wilson's  little  book,  "  State  and  Federal  Government." 
The  Massachusetts  Society  for  Promoting  Good  Citizenship,  Dr.  C.  F.  Crehore, 
Secretary,  publishes  a  list  of  works  on  Civil  Government,  upon  the  recom- 
mendation of  one  of  their  committees. 


The    Constitution 


of  the 


United    States. 


We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a 
more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general  welfare, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  poster- 
ity, do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United 
States  of  America. 

ARTICLE   I. 

SECTION    I. 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives. 

SECTION    II. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  mem- 
bers chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  and  the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifica- 
tions requisite  for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the 
State  legislature. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have 
attained  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected, 
be  an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned 
among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this 
Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  in- 
cluding those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  exclud- 
ing Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The 
actual  enumeration  shall  be  made  within  three  years  after  the 
first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  within 
every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in  such  manner  as  they 


shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Representatives  shall  not 
exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each  State  shall  have 
at  least  one  Representative  ;  and  until  such  enumeration  shall 
be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled  to  choose 
three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Planta- 
tions one,  Confiecticut  five,  JVew  York  six.  New  Jersey  four,  Penn- 
sylvania eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten.  North 
Carolina  five.  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any 
State,  the  executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election 
to  fill  such  vacancies. 

The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker 
and  other  officers,  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeach- 
ment. 

SECTION    III. 

The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for 
six  years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence 
of  the  first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be 
into  three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class 
shall  be  vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year ;  of  the 
second  class,  at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the 
third  class,  at  the  expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one-third 
may  be  chosen  every  second  year;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by 
resignation  or  otherwise  during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of 
any  State,  the  executive  thereof  may  make  temporary  appoint- 
ments until  the  next  meeting  of  the  legislature,  which  shall  then 
fill  such  Vacancies. 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained 
to  the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabit- 
ant of  that  State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President 
of  the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally 
divided. 

The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a 
President  pro  tempore  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or 
when  he  shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United 
States. 

The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeach- 
ments. When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or 
affirmation.     When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried, 


the  Chief  Justice  shall  preside  :  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted 
without  the  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  present. 

Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and 
enjoy  any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the  United 
States;  but  the  party  convicted  shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable 
and  subject  to  indictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  ac- 
cording to  law. 

SECTION    IV. 

The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Sen- 
ators and  Representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by 
the  legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  anytime  by 
law  make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of 
choosing  Senators. 

The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year, 
and  such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December, 
unless  they  shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

SECTION    V. 

Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and 
qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall 
constitute  a  quorum  to  do  business;  but  a  smaller  number  may 
adjourn  from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the 
attendance  of  absent  members,  in  such  manner,  and  under  such 
penalties,  as  each  house  may  provide. 

Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings, 
punish  its  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and  with  the  con- 
currence of  two  thirds,  expel  a  member. 

Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and 
from  time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may 
in  their  judgment  require  secrecy,  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the 
members  of  either  house  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of 
one  fifth  of  those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  with- 
out the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days, 
nor  to  any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall 
be  sitting. 

SECTION   VI. 

The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compen- 
sation for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law  and  paid  out 
of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.     They  shall,  in  all  cases 


except  treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged 
from  arrest  during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  re- 
spective houses,  and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same ; 
and  for  any  speech  or  debate  in  either  house  they  shall  not  be 
questioned  in  any  other  place. 

No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for 
which  he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the 
authority  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created, 
or  the  emoluments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during 
such  time  ;  and  no  person  holding  any  office  under  the  United 
States  shall  be  a  member  of  either  house  during  his  continuance 
in  office. 

SECTION   VII. 

All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives ;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with 
amendments  as  on  other  bills. 

Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Represent- 
atives and  the  Senate  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  pre- 
sented to  the  President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approve  he 
shall  sign  it,  but  if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to 
that  house  in  which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the 
objections  at  large  on  their  journal  and  proceed  to  reconsider 
it.  If  after  such  reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  house  shall 
agree  to  pass  the  bill,  "t  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objec- 
tions, to  the  other  house,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  recon- 
sidered, and  if  approved  by  two  thirds  of  that  house  it  shall 
become  a  law.  But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of  both  houses 
shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names  of  the 
persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on  the 
journal  of  each  house  respectively.  If  any  bill  shall  not  be  re- 
turned by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted) 
after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a 
law,  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress 
by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall 
not  be  a  law. 

Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence 
of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary 
(except  on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States ;  and  before  the  same  shall  take 
effect,  shnll  be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him, 
shall  be  repassed  by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of 
Representatives,  according  to  the  rules  and  limitations  pre- 
scribed in  the  case  of  a  bill. 


SECTION    VIII. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes, 
duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for 
the  common  defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States ; 
but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout 
the  United  States ; 

To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States; 

To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes ; 

To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United 
States ; 

To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures ; 

To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securi- 
ties and  current  coin  of  the  United  States  ; 

To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts  by  secur- 
ing for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive 
right  to  their  respective  writings  and  discoveries ; 

To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on 
the  high  seas  and  offenses  against  the  law  of  nations ; 

To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water; 

To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years ; 

To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy ; 

To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the 
land  and  naval  forces  ; 

To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws 
of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions ; 

To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the 
militia,  and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  re- 
spectively the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of 
training  the  militia  according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by 
Congress ; 

To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever 
over  such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by 
cession  of  particular  States  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  be- 
come the  seat  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to 
exercise  like  authority  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent 


of  the  legislature  of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for 
the  erection  of  forts,  magazines,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and  other 
needful  buildings ;  and 

To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other 
powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the 
United  States,  or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

SECTION    IX. 

The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such 
importation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
pended, unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public 
safety  may  require  it. 

No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in 
proportion  to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed 
to  be  taken. 

No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State. 

No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  com- 
merce or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of 
another;  nor  shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State  be 
obliged  to  enter,  clear,  or  pay  duties  in  another. 

No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  but  in  con 
sequence  of  appropriations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  state- 
ment and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public 
money  shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States ; 
and  no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them 
shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present, 
emolument,  office,  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king, 
prince,  or  foreign  State. 

SECTION    X, 

No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confedera- 
tion ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit 
bills  of  credit;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender 
in  payment  of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto 
law,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any 
title  of  nobility. 


No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be 
absolutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws ;  and  the 
net  produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  im- 
ports or  exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the 
United  States ;  and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision 
and  control  of  the  Congress. 

No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace, 
enter  into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State  or 
with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded 
or  in  such  imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE   11. 

SECTION    I. 

The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the 
term  of  four  years,  and  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen 
for  the  same  term,  be  elected  as  follows  : 

Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole 
number  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may 
be  entitled  in  the  Congress  ;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative, 
or  person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United 
States,  shall  be  appointed  an  elector. 

[The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an 
inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall 
make  a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of 
votes  for  each ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  trans- 
mit sealed  to  the  seat  of  government  of  the  United  States, 
directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then 
be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes 
shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the 
whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  there  be  more  than 
one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal  number  of 
votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  sliall  immediately 
choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President ;  and  if  no  person 
have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said 
House   shall   in    like    manner   choose   the    President.     But  in 


8 

choosing  the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the 
representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  a  quorum  for 
this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two 
thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choix:e  of  the 
President,  the  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of 
the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President.  But  if  there  should 
remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall 
choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President.]  * 

The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  elect- 
ors and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which 
day  shall  be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution, 
shall  be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President;  neither  shall  any 
person  be  eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident 
within  the  United  States. 

In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of 
his  death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and 
duties  of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice- 
President,  and  the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of 
removal,  death,  resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President 
and  Vice-President,  declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as 
President,  and  such  officer  shall  act  accordingly  until  the  dis- 
ability be  removed  or  a  President  shall  be  elected. 

The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  ser- 
vices a  compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor 
diminished  during  the  period  for  which  he  may  have  been 
elected,  and  he  shall  not  receive  within  that  period  any  other 
emolument  from  the  United  States  or  any  of  them. 

Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take 
the  following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

"I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  exe- 
cute the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to  the 
best  of  my  ability  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States." 

SECTION    II. 

The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several 
States  when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States ; 


•  This  clause  of  the  Constitution  has  been  amended.     See  twelfth  article  of  the  amendments. 


he  may  require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer 
in  each  of  the  executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relat- 
ing to  the  duties  of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have 
power  to  grant  reprieves  and  pardons  for  offenses  against  the 
United  States,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment. 

He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent 
of  the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Sena- 
tors present  concur ;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and,  by  and  with 
the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassa- 
dors, other  public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appoint- 
ments are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall 
be  established  by  law ;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the 
appointment  of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in 
the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  de- 
partments. 

The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that 
may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  com- 
missions which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

SECTION    III. 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consid- 
eration such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedi- 
ent ;  he  may,  on  extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  houses, 
or  either  o^  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them 
with  respect  to  the  time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them 
to  such  time  as  he  shall  think  proper ;  he  shall  receive  ambassa- 
dors and  other  public  ministers;  he  shall  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall  commission  all  the  officers 
of  the  United  States. 

SECTION    IV. 

The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the 
United  States  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment 
for  and  conviction  of  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and 
misdemeanors. 

ARTICLE  III. 

SECTION    I. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in 
one  Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress 
may  from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.     The  judges,  both 


lO 

of  the  supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  dur- 
ing good  behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their 
services  a  compensation  which  shall  not  be  diminished  during 
their  continuance  in  office. 

SECTION   ir. 

The  judicial  power  shall  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and 
equity,  arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United 
States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their 
authority;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers,  and  consuls  ;  to  aU  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime 
jurisdiction;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall 
be  a  party ;  to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States ;  be- 
tween a  State  and  citizens  of  another  State  ;  between  citizens 
of  different  States;  between  citizens  of  the  same  State  claim- 
ing lands  under  grants  of  different  States,  and  between  a  State, 
or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  States,  citizens,  or  subjects. 

In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers 
and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  a  party,  the 
Supreme  Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the 
other  cases  before  mentioned  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have 
appellate  jurisdiction,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  ex- 
ceptions and  under  such  regulations  as  the.  Congress  shall 
make. 

The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment, 
shall  be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where 
the  said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  com- 
mitted within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or 
places  as  the  Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

SECTION    III, 

Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in 
levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giv- 
ing them  aid  and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of 
treason  unless  on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same 
overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment 
of  treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of 
blood  or  forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE   IV. 

SECTION    I. 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the 


XI 

public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other 
State.  And  the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the 
manner  in  which  such  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be 
proved,  and  the  effect  thereof. 

SECTION   II. 

The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or 
other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another 
State,  shall,  on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State 
from  which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State 
having  jurisdiction  of  the  crime. 

No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the 
laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of 
any  law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service 
or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to 
whom  such  service  or  labor  may  be  due. 

SECTION    III. 

New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this 
Union  ;  but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  any  other  State  ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the 
junction  of  two  or  more  States  or  parts  of  States,  without  the 
consent  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of 
the  Congress. 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States  ;  and  nothing  in  this 
Constitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of 
the  United  States  or  of  any  particular  State. 

SECTION    IV. 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this 
Union  a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each 
of  them  against  invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  legislature, 
or  of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be  convened), 
against  domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  houses  shall 
deem  it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitu- 


12 

Hon,  or,  on  the  application  of  the  legislatures  of  two  thirds  of 
the  several  States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amend- 
ments, which  in  either  case  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  pur- 
poses as  part  of  this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  legis- 
latures of  three  fourths  of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions 
in  three  fourths  thereof,  as  the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratifi- 
cation may  be  proposed  by  the  Congress,  provided  that  no 
amendments  which  may  be  made  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  manner  affect  the  first  and 
fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first  article ;  and  that 
no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suf- 
frage in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before 
the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  tht 
United  States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the  confedera- 
tion. 

This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  oi 
which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  the  judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or 
laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and 
the  members  of  the  several  State  legislatures,  and  all  executive 
and  judicial  officers  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  sev- 
eral States,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support 
this  Constitution  ;  but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as 
a  qualification  to  any  office  or  public  trust  under  the  United 
States. 

ARTICLE  VIL 

The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be 
sufficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the 
States  so  ratifying  the  same. 

Done  in  convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
States  present,  the  seventeenth  day  of  September,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and 
eighty-seven,  and  of  the  independence  of  the  United 
States  of  America  the  twelfth.  In  witness  whereof,  we 
have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 


13 

George  Washington,  President,  and  Deputy  from  Virginia. 
New  Hampshire  —  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 
Massachusetts  —  Nathaniel  Gorhani,  Rufus  King. 
Connecticut  —  William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 
New  York  — Alexander  Hamilton. 
New   Jersey  —  William    Livingston,    David   Brearly,   William 

Patterson,  Jonathan  Dayton. 
Pennsylvania  —  Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas  Mifflin,  Robert 

Morris,  George  Clymer,  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  Jared  Inger- 

soll,  James  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morris. 
Delaware  —  George  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jr.,  John  Dick- 
inson, Richard  Bassett,  Jacob  Broom. 
Maryland  —  James  McHenry,  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas  Jenifer, 

Daniel  Carroll. 
Virginia  —  John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 
North  Carolina  —  William  Blount,  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight, 

Hugh  Williamson. 
South  Carolina  —  John  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck- 

ney,  Charles  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 
Georgia  —  William  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin. 

Attest :     William  Jackson,  Secretary. 


AMENDMENTS. 


ARTICLE  L 


Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of 
religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridging 
the  freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press ;  or  the  right  of  the  peo- 
ple peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a 
redress  of  grievances. 

ARTICLE   II. 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of 
a  free  State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall 
not  be  infringed. 

ARTICLE  HI. 

No  soldier  shall,  in"  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a 
Planner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 


14 

article"  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unre^onable  searches  and  seizures, 
shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon  prob- 
able cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly- 
describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  personor  things  to 
be  seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  other- 
wise infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of 
a  grand  jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces, 
or  in  the  militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public 
danger;  nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offense  to 
be  twice  put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb ;  nor  shall  be  compelled 
in  any  criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  de- 
prived of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ; 
nor  shall  private  property  be  taken  for  public  use  without  just 
compensation. 

ARTICLE   VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the 
right  to  a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the 
State  and  district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed, 
which  district  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law, 
and  to  be  informed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation  ; 
to  be  confronted  with  the  witnesses  against  him;  to  have  com- 
pulsory process  for  obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have 
the  assistance  of  counsel  for  his  defense. 

ARTICLE   VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy 
shall  exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be 
preserved,  and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-ex- 
amined in  any  court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the 
rules  of  the  common  law. 

ARTICLE  VIIL 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  im- 
posed, nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE   IX.. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights 
shall  not  be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by 
the  people. 


15 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Con- 
stitution, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  respectively  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XI. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  con- 
strued to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or 
prosecuted  against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of 
another  State,  or  by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE   XII. 

The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at 
least,  shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  them- 
selves ;  they  shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as 
President,  and  in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice- 
President,  and  they  shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted 
for  as  President  and  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President, 
and  of  the  number  of  votes  for  each  ;  which  lists  they  shall  sign 
and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government 
of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate. 
The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates  and  the 
votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest 
number  of  votes  for  President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such 
number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ; 
and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then  from  the  persons  hav- 
ing the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those 
voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  represen- 
tation from  each  State  having  one  vote  ;  a  quorum  for  this  pur- 
pose shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of 
the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to 
a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose 
a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon 
them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the 
Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death 
or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President. 

The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice- 
President  shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  ma- 


i6 

jority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no 
person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on 
the  list  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President ;  a  quorum 
for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole  number 
of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  neces- 
sary to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to 
the  office  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States. 

ARTICLE   XIII. 

Section  t.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  ex- 
cept as  a  punishment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have 
been  duly  convicted,  shall  exist  within  the  United  States  or  any 
place  subject  to  their  jurisdiction. 

Section  2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  arti- 
cle by  appropriate  legislation. 

ARTICLE  XIV. 

Section  i.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United 
States,  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of 
the  United  States  and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No 
State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the 
privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States;  nor 
shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  life,  liberty,  or  property, 
without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  deny  to  any  person  within  its 
jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

Section  2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  count- 
ing the  whole  number  of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians 
not  taxed.  But  when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the 
choice  of  electors  for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States,  Representatives  in  Congress,  the  executive  and  judicial 
officers  of  a  State,  or  the  members  of  the  legislature  thereof,  is 
denied  to  any  of  the  male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in 
any  way  abridged,  except  for  participation  in  rebellion,  or  other 
crime,  the  basis  of  representation  therein  shall  be  reduced  in 
the  proportion  which  the  number  of  such  male  citizens  shall 
bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens  twenty-one  years  of 
age  in  such  State. 

Section  3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representa- 
tive in  Congress,  or  elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or 
hold  any  office,  civil  or   military,  under  the  United  States  or 


under  any  State,  who,  having  previously  taken  an  oath  as  a 
member  of.  Congress,  or  as  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as 
a  member  of  any  State  legislature,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial 
officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection  or  rebellion  against 
the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies  thereof.  But 
Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  house,  remove 
such  disability. 

Section  4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United 
States,  authorized  by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment 
of  pensions  and  bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrec- 
tion or  rebellion,  shall  not  be  questioned.  But  neither  the 
United  States  nor  any  State  shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or 
obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insurrection  or  rebellion  against  the 
United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the  loss  or  emancipation  of  any 
slave ;  but  all  such  debts,  obligations,  and  claims  shall  be  held 
illegal  and  void. 

Section  5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by 
appropriate  legislation,  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

ARTICLE  XV. 

Section  i.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to 
vote  shall  not  be  denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by 
any  State  on  account  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of 
servitude. 

Section  2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this 
article  by  appropriate  legislation. 


FRANKLIN'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  LAST  DAY  OF  THE  CON- 
STITUTIONAL  CONVENTION. 


From  Madison's  yournal. 


Monday,  September  17.  In  Convention  —  The  engrossed  Con- 
stitution being  read,  Doctor  Franklin  rose  with  a  speech  in  his  hand, 
which  he  had  reduced  to  writing  for  his  own  convenience,  and  which 
Mr.  Wilson  read  in  the  words  following: 

"  Mr.  President  :  I  confess  that  there  are  several  parts  of  this 
Constitution  which  I  do  not  at  present  approve,  but  I  am  not  sure  I 
shall  never  approve  them.  For,  having  lived  long,  I  have  experienced 
many  instances  of  being  obliged  by  better  information,  or  fuller  con- 
sideration, to  change  opinions  even  on  important  subjects  which  I 
once  thought  right,  but  found  to  be  otherwise.     It  is  therefore  that, 


the  older  I  grow,  the  more  apt  I  am  to  doubt  my  own  judgment,  and 
to  pay  more  respect  to  the  judgment  of  others.  Most  men,  indeed, 
as  well  as  most  sects  in  religion,  think  themselves  in  possession  of  all 
truth,  and  that  wherever  others  differ  from  them  it  is  so  far  error. 
Steele,  a  Protestant,  in  a  dedication  tells  the  Pope  that  the  only  differ- 
ence between  our  churches,  in  their  opinions  of  the  certainty  of  their 
doctrines,  is,  'the  Church  of  Rome  is  infallible,  and  the  Church  of 
England  is  never  in  the  wrong.'  But  though  many  private  persons 
think  almost  as  highly  of  their  own  infallibility  as  of  that  of  their 
sect,  few  express  it  so  naturally  as  a  certain  French  lady  who,  in  a 
dispute  with  her  sister,  said,  '  I  don't  know  how  it  happens,  sister, 
but  I  meet  with  nobody  but  myself  that  is  always  in  the  right  —  //  ti'y 
a  que  moi  a  toujours  raisonJ'  In  these  sentiments,  sir,  I  agree  to 
this  Constitution,  with  all  its  faults,  if  they  are  such,  because  I  think 
a  General  Government  necessary  for  us,  and  there  is  no  form  of  gov- 
ernment but  what  may  be  a  blessing  to  the  people  if  well  administered : 
and  believe  further,  that  this  is  likely  to  be  well  administered  for  a 
course  of  years,  and  can  only  end  in  despotism,  as  other  forms  have 
done  before  it,  when  the  people  shall  become  so  corrupted  as  to  need 
despotic  government,  being  incapable  of  any  other.  I  doubt,  too, 
whether  any  other  Convention  we  can  obtain  may  be  able  to  make 
a  better  Constitution.  For  when  you  assemble  a  number  of  men  to 
have  the  advantage  of  their  joint  wisdom,  you  inevitably  assemble 
with  those  men  all  their  prejudices,  their  passions,  their  errors  of  opin- 
ion, their  local  interests,  and  their  selfish  views.  From  such  an  as- 
sembly can  a  perfect  production  be  expected .-'  It,  therefore,  aston- 
ishes me,  sir,  to  find  this  system  approaching  so  near  to  perfection  as 
it  does :  and  I  think  it  will  astonish  our  enemies,  who  are  waiting 
with  confidence  to  hear  that  our  councils  are  confounded,  like  those 
of  the  builders  of  Babel,  and  that  our  States  are  on  the  point  of  separ- 
ation, only  to  meet  hereafter  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  one  another's 
throats.  Thus  I  consent,  sir,  to  this  Constitution  because  I  expect 
no  better,  and  because  I  am  not  sure  that  it  is  not  the  best.  The 
opinions  I  have  had  of  its  errors  I  sacrifice  to  the  public  good.  I  have 
never  whispered  a  syllable  of  them  abroad.  Within  these  walls  they 
were  born  and  here  they  shall  die.  If  every  one  of  us,  in  returning 
toour  constituents,  were  to  report  the  objections  he  has  had  to  it,  and 
endeavor  to  gain  partisans  in  support  of  them,  we  might  prevent  its 
being  generally  received,  and  thereby  lose  all  the  salutary  effects  and 
great  advantages  resulting  naturally  in  our  favor  among  foreign  na- 
tions as  well  as  among  ourselves,  from  our  real  or  apparent  unanimity. 
Much  of  the  strength  and  efficiency  of  any  government,  in  procuring 
and  securing  happiness  to  the  people,  depends  on  opinion  —  on  the 
general  opinion  of  the  goodness  of  the  government  as  well  as  of  the 
wisdom  and  integrity  of  its  governors.  I  hope,  therefore,  that  for  our 
own  sakes,  as  a  part  of  the  people,  and  for  the  sake  of  posterity,  we 
shall  act  heartily  and  unanimously  in  recommending  this  Constitution 
(if  approved  by  Congress  and  confirmed  by  the  Conventions)  wherever 
our  influence  may  extend,  and  turn  our  future  thoughts  and  endeavors 
to  the  means  of  having  it  well  administered.  On  the  whole,  sir,  I  can- 
not help  expressing  a  wish  that  everj'  member  of  the  Convention  who 


19 

may  still  have  objections  to  it  would,  with  me,  on  this  occasion  doubt 
a  jittle  of  his  own  infallibility,  and,  to  make  manifest  our  unanimity, 
put  his  name  to  this  instrument." 

He  then  moved  that  the  Constitution  be  signed  by  the  members, 
and  offered  the  following  as  a  convenient  iorm,  viz. :  "  Done  in 
Convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  ^/le  States  present  the 
seventeenth  of  September,  etc.  In  witness  whereof  we  have  here-, 
unto  subscribed  our  names."  This  ambiguous  form  had  been  drawn 
up  by  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris,  in  order  to  gain  the  dissenting  mem- 
bers, and  put  into  the  hands  of  Doctor  Franklin,  that  it  might  have 
the  better  chance  of  success.  [Considerable  discussion  followed, 
Randolph  and  Gerry  stating  their  reasons  for  refusing  to  sign  the 
Constitution.  Mr.  Hamilton  expressed  his  anxiety  that  every  mem- 
ber should  sign.  A  few  characters  of  consequence,  he  said,  by 
opposing  or  even  refusing  to  sign  the  Constitution,  might  do  infinite 
mischief  by  kindling  the  latent  sparks  that  lurk  under  an  enthusiasm 
in  favor  of  the  Convention  which  may  soon  subside.  No  man's  ideas 
were  more  remote  from  the  plan  than  his  own  were  known  to  be ;  but 
is  it  possible  to  deliberate  between  anarchy  and  convulsion  on  one 
side,  and  the  chance  of  good  to  be  expected  from  the  plan  on  the 
other?  This  discussion  concluded,  the  Convention  voted  that  its 
journal  and  other  papers  should  be  retained  by  the  President,  subject 
to  the  order  of  Congress.]  The  members  then  proceeded  to  sign  the 
Constitution  as  finally  amended.  The  Constitution  being  signed  by 
all  the  members  except  Mr.  Randolph,  Mr.  Mason,  and  Mr.  Gerry, 
who  declined  giving  it  the  sanction  of  their  names,  the  Convention  dis- 
solved itself  by  an  adjournment  sine  die. 

Whilst  the  last  members  were  signing.  Doctor  Franklin,  looking 
towards  the  President's  chair,  at  the  back  of  which  a  rising  sun  hap 
pened  to  be  painted,  observed  to  a  few  members  near  him  that  paint- 
ers had  found  it  difficult  to  distinguish  in  their  art  a  rising  from  a 
setting  sun.  I  have,  said  he,  often  and  often,  in  the  course  of  the 
session,  and  the  vicissitudes  of  my  hopes  and  fears  as  to  its  issue, 
looked  at  that  behind  the  President  without  being  able  to  tell  whether 
it  was  rising  or  setting;  but  now,  at  length,  I  have  the  happiness  to 
know  that  it  is  a  rising,  and  not  a  setting,  sun. 


The  Federal  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution  met  at  Philadel- 
phia in  May,  1787,  and  completed  its  work  September  17.  The  number  of 
delegates  chosen  to  the  convention  was  sixty-five;  ten  did  not  attend;  six- 
teen declined  signing  the  Constitution,  or  left  the  convention  before  it  was 
ready  to  be  signed ;  thirty-nine  signed. 

The  States  ratified  the  Constitution  in  the  following  order : 

Delaware December  7,  1 7S7     Maryland April  28,  1788 

Pennsylvania December  12,  1787     South  Carolina May  23,  1788 

New  Jersey December  iS,  1787     New  Hampshire June  21,  1788 

Georgia January  2,  1788     Virginia June  25,  1788 

Connecticut January  9,  1788     New  York July  26,  1788 

Massachusetts February  6,  1788     North  Carolina.  November  21,  1789 

Rhode  Island May  29,  1790 


20 

The  first  ten  amendments  were  proposed  in  1789,  and  declared  adoptee* 
in  1791. 

The  eleventh  amendment  was  proposed  in  1794,  and  declared  adopted 
in  1798. 

The  twelfth  amendment  was  proposed  in  1803,  and  declared  adopted  in 


1804. 


The  thirteenth  amendment  was  proposed  and  adopted  in  1865. 

The  fourteenth  amendment  was  proposed  in  1866,  and  adopted  in  1868 

The  fifteenth  amendment  was  proposed  in  1869,  and  adojited  in  1870 


THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

With  Bibliographical  and  Historical  Notes  and  Outlines  for  Stud* 

Prepared  by  Edwin  D.  Mead. 


This  Manual  is  published  by  the  Directors  of  the  Old  South  Studies  in 
History  and  Politics,  for  the  use  of  schools  and  of  such  clubs,  classes  and 
individual  students  as  may  wish  to  make  a  careful  study  of  the  Constitution 
and  its  history.  The  societies  of  young  men  and  women  7iow  happily  being 
organized  everywhere  in  America  for  historical  and  political  study  can  do 
nothing  better  to  begin  with  than  to  make  themselves  thoroughly  familiar 
with  the  Constitution.  It  is  especially  with  such  societies  in  view  that  the 
table  of  topics  for  study,  which  follows  the  very  full  bibliographical  notes  in 
this  manual,  has  been  prepared.  A  copy  of  the  manual  will  be  sent  to  any 
address  on  receipt  of  twenty-five  cents ;  one  hundred  copies,  fifteen  dollars. 
Address  Directors  of  Old  South  Studies,  Old  South  Meeting  House,  or  D.- 
C.  Heath  &"  Co. ,  J  Somerset  street,  Boston. 


OLD  SOUTH  LEAFLETS,  GENERAL  SERIES. 


No.  I.  Constitution  of  the  United  States  2.  Articles  of  Confeder» 
tion.  3.  Declaration  of  Independence.  4.  Washington's  Farewell  Ad 
dress.  5.  Magna  Charta.  6.  Vane's  "Healing  Question."  7.  Chartei 
of  Massachusetts  Bay,  1629.  8.  Fundamental  Orders  of  Connecticut,  1638. 
9.  Franklin's  Plan  of  Union,  1754.  10.  Washington's  Inaugurals.  11.  \a\\ 
coin's  Inaugurals  and  Emancipation  Proclamation.  12.  The  Federalist, 
Nos.  I,  2  and  3  —  etc.  Price,  five  cents  per  copy;  one  hundred  copies, 
three  dollars.  Directors  of  Old  South  Studies,  Old  South  Meeting  House, 
Boston. 


PUBLISHED  FOR  SCHOOLS  \ND  THE  TRADE  BY 

D.  C.  HEATH  &  CO.,  5  Somerset  St.,  Boston. 


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